6

Bern, spring 1943

The quiet city of Bern, capital of the Swiss Confederation, seemed barely touched by the events in Europe and the rest of the world, but it was impossible to guess from mere appearances how the city was swarming with activity. Fake diplomats were putting together embryonic counteralliances, and professional spies of all nationalities and all political persuasions had set up their headquarters there. Bern was the privileged place for thwarting the enemy’s stratagems, trying to foresee the ends and the means of the opposing camp, and exchanging false rumors for true secrets.

Switzerland was not only a nest of spies, but also, thanks to its status as a neutral country in the heart of Europe and at the gates of the Reich, the best extraterritorial platform that could be imagined. This had been even truer since November 1942. With the occupation of the southern zone by the Germans, France had been closed off to the Allies. Switzerland had become the only base for observation in the heart of Europe, planted like a triangle between Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and occupied France.

A mysterious figure had been living since November 1942 in a handsome old house in Bern, located not far from the cathedral, at Herrengasse 23. He could often be seen walking rapidly, the pockets of his coat full of hastily folded newspapers, between the railroad station and his downtown house. He liked the neighborhood, with its medieval fountains with multicolored sculptures, its sidewalks beneath arcades, and its ancient paving stones. From the windows of his large apartment on the ground floor of a building that had four stories, he had a magnificent view of the mountains of the Bern Oberland.

In the morning, to get to his office on Dufourstrasse, in the embassy district, he crossed the Kirchenfeld bridge over the Aare (a metal bridge forty meters above the river). At noon, he had lunch at the Theater Café, where the waiters seemed to know him very well. He could very often be seen at the Hôtel Bellevue, where foreign diplomats met Swiss politicians for dinner. Most of the time he went on foot. But sometimes he could be seen in the back seat of a Citroën driven by a personal chauffeur, and smoking a pipe. He was a tall man, with a mustache, who wore glasses with rather thick lenses that made him look like a college professor. He dressed in corduroy, flannel, or tweed. He usually wore a bow tie. Elegant without being stiff, he had a habit of wearing his hat toward the back of his head, which gave him an air of studied negligence. Some people thought he was English. In fact, he was an American.

Allen Welsh Dulles was officially the special assistant for legal affairs of the U.S. ambassador to Switzerland. The son of a Presbyterian minister, a member of the East Coast establishment, this 1914 Princeton graduate knew Europe remarkably well. In 1917 and 1918 he already was an attaché at the American embassy in Bern charged with gathering intelligence about Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the Balkans. He then spent a few months behind the scenes at Versailles during the treaty negotiations, with other young diplomats who had recently graduated (most of them from Princeton), whom President Wilson liked to have around him. Dulles felt all the more at ease in these surroundings because Robert Lansing, the secretary of state, was his uncle, and because his grandfather, General John W. Foster, had held that post a few decades earlier. During the negotiations, and in the years following the restoration of peace, the young Allen W. Dulles had traveled extensively through France and Germany devastated by the war. He was convinced that a solid alliance between the United States and Germany would make it possible to create a solid rampart against the spread of Bolshevism.

Although he had given up a diplomatic career to become a Wall Street lawyer, Allen Dulles had continued to be of service to the State Department. In 1933, in the course of a diplomatic mission to Germany, he had met Hitler in person. Although he felt nothing but disgust for the Nazis, Dulles was a friend to Germany.

In November 1942, Dulles was back in Bern. At the last moment, he had crossed through France from Spain, just when the German troops were seizing the southern zone. He had been able to reach Switzerland only through the providential assistance of a not overly scrupulous French customs agent who had not informed the Gestapo of his passage. Once there, Dulles had not attempted in the slightest to conceal his arrival or especially hidden the nature of his work. In the Swiss press, an article presented him as the “personal representative of President Roosevelt,” charged with a “special duty.” From then on everyone knew that Mr. Dulles was a key figure in American espionage in continental Europe. In fact, he had been appointed by the Office of Strategic Services, the American intelligence organization that had just been established by President Roosevelt in June. Oddly, the publicity around his name did not trouble him in the least, whereas it irritated some of his English counterparts, who were a little suspicious of this “dilettante” intruding on their preserve.

Dulles’s notoriety and his natural charm, but also the rather substantial financial resources he had at his disposal, meant that large numbers of people came to see him. Everyone who had information to offer (or to sell) came to knock at his door. Every night, after curfew, shadows slipped furtively beneath the arcades leading to his house, and left through the back garden, which sloped steeply toward the River Aare, hidden from prying eyes. Among these night visitors were double agents, manipulators, charlatans. Over a drink, Dulles listened to them more or less attentively. He usually put people at ease by seating them before a fire, and let them talk while he stirred the embers and smoked his pipe. “The Swiss knew very well that their country was the scene of all manner of intrigues; agents of the secret service, spies, revolutionaries and agitators infested the hotels of the principal towns”: this description of the country in 1914 by Somerset Maugham in Ashenden applied to Bern in 1943. Dulles had enough confidence in his own instincts to be able to sort out the true from the false.

His mission was to gather all the intelligence possible about occupied Europe, particularly about Germany, but also relating to France, Italy, and other countries allied to the Reich. Among other things, he had been asked to “establish and maintain contacts with underground anti-Nazi movements in Germany.” Dulles personally would have liked to provide active assistance to those movements, but he could not because of a lack of political support in Washington.

The British were of course his privileged interlocutors, even though some old intelligence veterans complained about his casual manner. He was considered an eccentric, but they recognized his talent. The French agents of the Deuxième Bureau in Bern were all prepared to work for him since the Vichy regime, in November 1942, had lost its last illusions about its sovereignty. The French agreed to be financed by the OSS in Bern, which helped them send intelligence to the authorities of Free France, now based in Algiers. Within a very short time, Dulles thus had an excellent observation network at his disposal in occupied France. The Poles also offered him their services: Dulles soon made the acquaintance of Halina Szymanska, the widow of a Polish officer based in Bern, who was the mistress of Admiral Canaris, chief of military intelligence (Abwehr). Not infrequently, when Admiral Canaris wanted to “let slip” a piece of intelligence intended for the Allies, he confided a secret to Mme. Szymanska (for example, in June 1941, Hitler’s imminent invasion of Russia). Several diplomats from Axis countries stationed in Bern, wishing to establish relations with the Allies, also became preferred sources. Baron Bakach-Bessenyey, the Hungarian envoy, was notably among them.

Things were more difficult with the Swiss. The authorities in Bern were intent on maintaining equal distance from all the countries involved in the conflict. But the reality was entirely different: the majority of the population sympathized with the Allies. Dulles soon had his own network of trusted men inside the Swiss intelligence service, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Roger Masson.

At all times, one had to be wary of the Germans. Among the countless networks of informers present in the country, those working for Germany were particularly effective and well established on the ground thanks to the existence of a large German community. German newspapers had numerous correspondents in Bern. And there were Swiss Germanophile circles, particularly in the army. For years, this small world had been receiving active support from the German legation. In addition, the German consulates in Switzerland were more often than not headed by men from the Abwehr or the SD (Sicherheitsdienst, foreign intelligence services).

Hitler had given up the idea of invading Switzerland in 1940. He needed a solid economic and financial conduit bordering Germany, and Switzerland provided Germany, in exchange for gold, the currency it needed to procure raw materials indispensable for the war. Nevertheless, Hitler judged that, sooner or later, Switzerland would become a part of the “Greater Reich.” Rumors of a plan of attack constantly came to the ears of the authorities in Bern. The threat grew as the new strategic context became clear in late 1942 and early 1943, marked by the advance of Allied forces in North Africa and the weakening of Italy. Was Germany not going to “swallow” Switzerland in order to strengthen its southern flank? Living with the perpetual threat of invasion, the authorities of the Swiss Confederation were in a state of maximum alert. From time to time they expelled one foreign diplomat or another when his activities seemed to exceed the terms of his mission. All citizens of countries involved in the conflict were subject to strict surveillance. The Allied intelligence services were more tolerated than their German counterparts, but neutrality was not to be trifled with in light of the knowledge that Berlin needed only a pretext to invade Switzerland. The entire country lived in fear of a fifth column.

Allen Dulles thus found that his work was naturally handicapped. Nevertheless, his address book was filled every day with new names, and his scanty knowledge of German did not prevent him from communicating with all kinds of people: anti-Nazi exiles from all milieus (political, cultural, union), diplomats and intelligence agents of all nationalities—including Chinese—lawyers, bankers, industrialists, publishers, journalists, churchmen, and even German bargemen authorized to travel on the Rhine between Germany and Switzerland. He met fairly frequently with Carl Gustav Jung in Zurich, who presented his analysis of the psychology of the Nazi leaders and of the “collective unconscious” of the Germans.

Allen Dulles had very good informants in Geneva. One of his most interesting contacts was the Dutchman Willem A. Visser’t Hooft, general secretary of the Ecumenical Council of Churches. He was also well acquainted with William Rappard, former rector of the University of Geneva, who had also represented Switzerland at the League of Nations. Through one or another of his friends, he entered into contact with Adam von Trott zu Solz in January 1943. This young and brilliant German diplomat, an eminent member of the Kreisau Circle, wished to obtain American aid for the underground opposition movements in Germany. “Support us or we will be tempted to turn to the Soviets,” was the substance of his message in a conversation on Swiss territory with one of Dulles’s close collaborators. Allen Dulles had instructions to promise nothing to anyone, especially since the policy defined by Churchill and Roosevelt was the “unconditional surrender” of Germany (a formulation that Dulles personally considered a “catastrophe” because it stifled any impulse toward resistance in Germany). The German diplomat thus left empty-handed.

At about the same time (mid-January 1943), Dulles was visited by Prince Maximilien Egon Hohenlohe von Langenberg, one of his old acquaintances from the time of the First World War. Prince Hohenlohe was a German aristocrat with roots in Sudetenland, who divided his time among Germany, Spain, and Mexico—where his wife, a Spanish marquise, owned large estates. He himself had a passport from Liechtenstein, a neutral country like Switzerland, which enabled him to travel almost everywhere in the world. He was in contact with very high officials throughout Europe (the Aga Khan was among his friends), but especially in Berlin, and notably with Heinrich Himmler. “Help the SS; they are the only ones who can protect Germany against communism and maintain order in the country,” Hohenlohe had told Dulles. The prince encouraged a simple solution: elimination of Hitler, a seizure of power by the SS, a separate peace with the West, and a united front of Western democracies against the Russians. No one knows precisely what Dulles answered, but it seems that the American spymaster left all doors open in order to maintain contact for the future.

It was not easy for Dulles to communicate with Washington, particularly with complete security. Since the end of the unoccupied zone in France, Switzerland had literally been cut off from the rest of the world. Diplomatic mail was suspended. All connections with the outside had to be by telegraph or telephone. Telephones were of course tapped, and nothing confidential could be said over that channel. For telegraphy, a very secure system of encryption had to be used because the only lines available were those of the Swiss postal and telecommunications service. As a result, this work required two full-time employees out of the small OSS Bern crew, which numbered only about fifteen. Dulles and his colleagues were not exceedingly cautious. As a method of encryption, they used simple transpositions of letters, a technique as old as the hills that consisted of changing the order of letters by constructing more or less sophisticated anagrams.

In the spring of 1943, Allen Dulles learned that the Germans had succeeded in deciphering a series of dispatches that he had sent from Bern to Washington. That day, he had used—for convenience—the coding system of the State Department, normally used by the American legation in Bern. This method was even less secure than that of the OSS. This technical failure might have been very costly to the Americans if the leak had concerned sensitive information.

From that day onward, Dulles was encouraged to strengthen the security of his communications. He multiplied encryption keys by using systems with double or triple transpositions. This did not save his system from remaining rather rudimentary in comparison to the complexity of the German Enigma code.

The man who had informed Dulles of the leak was a German. Six feet five inches tall, myopic (the lenses of his glasses were as thick as bottles), his appearance was not very prepossessing. “He looks like a Latin teacher,” thought Dulles when he met him for the first time during the first few weeks of 1943. This was Hans-Bernd Gisevius, vice-consul of the Reich in Zurich, but above all member of the Abwehr, the military intelligence service. After carrying out a long and very meticulous investigation of this obscure figure, Dulles had agreed to enter into contact with him.

Gisevius had long been a friend of Hjalmar Schacht, former economics minister of the Reich. He was also close to Admiral Canaris and to General Oster, the mysterious heads of the Abwehr. Finally, he said that he had close contacts with the Protestant circles opposed to the regime. Gisevius had a Nazi past and had even been a member of the Gestapo in 1933 and 1934. Having gradually become an opponent of the regime, he had a mission to make contact with the Allies for the purpose of obtaining support for the plots that were being hatched against Hitler. The English were suspicious of him and had refused to take him seriously. But by revealing to the Americans a technical secret of great importance, Gisevius had given them a token of his good faith. He soon became known as “Tiny,” as a joke on his great height. He became “512” in the internal nomenclature of the OSS.

Dulles and Gisevius met fairly often, at night after curfew, in Bern or Zurich. Gisevius was (along with a few others) one of the first to reveal to Dulles the existence of long-range German missiles designed to be fired on London. In February 1943, he explained that these rockets were being built “somewhere in Pomerania.” In June, Dulles learned from another source that this “somewhere” was in fact Peenemünde, a Baltic Sea resort. The information provided by Gisevius was hence of the highest quality. Thanks to him, Dulles was also able to transmit to Washington precise details about the state of mind of the German population and the balance of power inside the Nazi regime. Gradually, the head of the American secret services in Switzerland was beginning to become a serious competitor of his British colleagues.

In Washington, however, Dulles did not have an excellent reputation. In late April 1943, the head of American intelligence in Switzerland received the following telegram from his superiors in the OSS:

It has been requested of us to inform you that “all news from Bern these days is being discounted 100% by the War Department.” It is suggested that Switzerland is an ideal location for plants, tendentious intelligence and peace feelers but no details are given. As our duty requires we have passed on the above information. However, we restate our satisfaction that you are the one through whom our Swiss reports come and we believe in your ability to distinguish good intelligence from bad with utmost confidence.

Сегодня ночью киевским режимом была совершена попытка нанесения удара беспилотными летательными аппаратами по кремлёвской резиденции Президента Российской Федерации.

Два беспилотных летательных аппарата были нацелены на Кремль. В результате предпринятых военными и специальными службами своевременных действий с применением систем радиолокационной борьбы аппараты были выведены из строя. Вследствие их падения и разлёта осколков на территории Кремля пострадавших и материального ущерба нет.

Расцениваем эти действия как спланированную террористическую акцию и покушение на Президента, проведённые накануне Дня Победы, Парада 9 мая, на котором планируется присутствие и иностранных гостей.

В результате этого террористического акта Президент не пострадал. График его работы изменений не претерпел, продолжается в обычном режиме.

Российская сторона оставляет за собой право принять ответные меры там и тогда, где и когда посчитает нужным.

Published: 19:36 BST, 7 May 2023 | Updated: 23:32 BST, 7 May 2023

DALLAS, TEXAS – The gunman who killed at least eight people and wounded a half-dozen more at a Dallas-area outlet mall was identified Sunday as a 33-year-old suspected neo-Nazi sympathizer named Mauricio Garcia, two senior law enforcement officials told NBC News.

Garcia was killed after the outbreak of deadly violence Saturday by a police officer who happened to be at the Allen Premium Outlets, some 25 miles north of Dallas, police said.

Garcia, who lived in Dallas, was armed with an “AR-15 style assault weapon,” President Joe Biden said.

The slain suspect was wearing a tactical vest and was also armed with a handgun, one of the senior law enforcement officials said.

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More weapons and ammunition was found in his car, the source said.

Also, the law enforcement officials said, Garcia had several social media accounts and appeared to be drawn to neo-Nazi and white supremacist content. He was also wearing, when he was killed, a patch on his chest with a right-wing acronym.

That said, the officials stressed it was still too early in the investigation to ascribe a motive to the mass killing.

It was the second deadliest mass shooting in the United States this year was and the second in Texas in a little over a week.

A next-door neighbor of the suspect, who asked to only be identified as Julie, said she would see Garcia going to and coming home from work every day like clockwork.

“He tried to acknowledge us but seemed a little off,” Julie said. “He wasn’t somebody you could carry a conversation with.”

Still, Julie said she was stunned when she learned Garcia was involved in the mall massacre.

“You could have knocked me over with a feather when I found out,” she said.

Another neighbor, Gilda Bailey, said she found three police squad cars parked outside his house when she got home. She said they would not let the gunman’s relatives inside the residence and later saw the FBI removing items of some kind from Garcia’s home.

“I don’t understand what triggered him,” Bailey said of Garcia.

Another neighbor said living so close to a suspected mass killer was “chilling.”

“Just the thought of living a few houses down from someone who can do this can be a little scary and give you more caution,” said Moises Carreon, 52. “I don’t know why people want to shoot innocent people for any reason.”

Hampton reported from Dallas, Texas. Dienst and Siemaszko reported from New York, Dilanian reported from Washington.

ALLEN, Texas (AP) — The assailant who killed eight people at a Texas outlet mall was identified by authorities Sunday as a 33-year-old man who had been staying at a nearby motel.

Three law enforcement officials who spoke to The Associated Press named the gunman as Mauricio Garcia, who was fatally shot by a police officer who happened to be near the suburban Dallas mall. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity in order to discuss details of an ongoing investigation.

One of the officials said Garcia had been staying at a nearby motel. The official said investigators have been searching the motel and a home in the Dallas area connected to the suspect.

The official said police also found multiple weapons at the scene after Garcia was fatally shot by a police officer. The weapons included an AR-15-style rifle and a handgun, according to the official.

The gunman’s name emerged as the community of Allen mourned for the dead and awaited word on the seven people who were wounded.

John Mark Caton, senior pastor at Cottonwood Creek Church, about two miles from the mall, offered prayers during his weekly service for victims, first responders and the shoppers and employees who “walked out past things they never should have seen.”

“Some of our people were there. Some perhaps in this room. Some of our students were working in those stores and will be changed forever by this,” Caton said.

Recalling phone conversations with police officers, he said: “There wasn’t an officer that I talked to yesterday that at some point in the call didn’t cry.”

The church planned an evening prayer vigil in the aftermath of the shooting, which was the latest attack to contribute to the unprecedented pace of mass killings this year. Barely a week before, five people were fatally shot in Cleveland, Texas, after a neighbor asked a man to stop firing his weapon while a baby slept, authorities said.

Police did not immediately provide details about the victims at Allen Premium Outlets, a sprawling outdoor shopping center, but witnesses reported seeing children among them. Some said they also saw what appeared to be a police officer and a mall security guard unconscious on the ground.

A 16-year-old pretzel stand employee, Maxwell Gum, described a virtual stampede of shoppers. He and others sheltered in a storage room.

“We started running. Kids were getting trampled,” Gum said. “My co-worker picked up a 4-year-old girl and gave her to her parents.”

Dashcam video circulating online showed the gunman getting out of a car and shooting at people on the sidewalk. More than three dozen shots could be heard as the vehicle that was recording the video drove off.

Allen Fire Chief Jonathan Boyd said seven people, including the shooter, died at the scene. Two other people died at hospitals.

Seven people remained hospitalized Sunday — three in critical condition and four in fair condition, the Allen Police Department said in a statement.

An Allen police officer was in the area on an unrelated call when he heard shots at 3:36 p.m., the department wrote on Facebook.

“The officer engaged the suspect and neutralized the threat. He then called for emergency personnel,” the post said.

Mass killings have happened with staggering frequency in the United States this year, with an average of about one per week, according to a database maintained by The Associated Press and USA Today in partnership with Northeastern University.

In a statement, President Biden said the assailant wore tactical gear and fired an AR-15-style weapon. He urged Congress to enact tighter restrictions on firearms and ammunition.

“Such an attack is too shocking to be so familiar. And yet, American communities have suffered roughly 200 mass shootings already this year, according to leading counts,” said Biden, who ordered flags lowered to half-staff.

Republicans in Congress, he said, “cannot continue to meet this epidemic with a shrug.”

Republican Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, who has signed laws easing firearms restrictions following past mass shootings, called the mall attack an “unspeakable tragedy.”

Video shared on social media showed people running through a parking lot amid the sound of gunshots.

Fontayne Payton, 35, was at H&M when he heard gunshots through his headphones.

“It was so loud, it sounded like it was right outside,” Payton said.

People in the store scattered before employees ushered the group into the fitting rooms and then a lockable back room, he said. When they were given the all-clear to leave, Payton saw the store had broken windows and a trail of blood to the door. Discarded sandals and bloodied clothes lay nearby.

Once outside, Payton saw bodies.

“I pray it wasn’t kids, but it looked like kids,” he said. The bodies were covered in white towels, slumped over bags on the ground. “It broke me when I walked out to see that.”

Further away, he saw the body of a heavyset man wearing all black. He assumed it was the shooter, Payton said, because unlike the other bodies it had not been covered.

Tarakram Nunna, 25, and Ramakrishna Mullapudi, 26, said they saw what appeared to be three people motionless on the ground, including one who seemed to be a police officer and another who resembled a mall security guard.

Another shopper, Sharkie Mouli, 24, said he hid in a Banana Republic. As he left, he saw someone who looked like a police officer lying unconscious next to another unconscious person outside the store.

“I have seen his gun lying right next to him and a guy who is like passing out right next to him,” Mouli said.

Stan and Mary Ann Greene were browsing in a Columbia sportswear store when the shooting started.

“We had just gotten in, just a couple minutes earlier, and we just heard a lot of loud popping,” Mary Ann Greene told The Associated Press.

Employees rolled down the security gate and brought everyone to the rear of the store until police arrived and escorted them out, the Greenes said.

Eber Romero was at an Under Armour store when a cashier mentioned there was a shooting.

As he left, the mall appeared empty and all the shops had their security gates down, Romero said. That is when he started seeing broken glass and victims of the shooting on the floor of the shopping center.

Allen, a city of 105,000 residents, is about 25 miles (40 kilometers) north of downtown Dallas.

___

Associated Press writers Jamie Stengle and Adam Kealoha Causey in Dallas and Gene Johnson in Seattle contributed to this report.

Специальный гость Радио Свобода – Николай Петров, руководитель Центра политико-географических исследований, приглашенный исследователь Фонда науки и политики в Берлине.

Сергей Медведев: Война не перестает удивлять. Одно из удивлений – мысль о том, как консолидирована российская элита; по прошествии года и двух месяцев войны в ней практически не наблюдается ни расколов, ни обвалов, ни перебежчиков, единственное, что отпустили Кудрина и Чубайса (но не отпустили Набиуллину). Что держит их вместе – лояльность или страх?

Николай Петров: Я точно так же был этим удивлен в самом начале войны, когда мне казалось, что мы увидим гораздо более нормальную и разнообразную реакцию со стороны элит. Потом я обратил внимание на то, что если рассматривать элиту в широком смысле, не ограничиваясь управленцами, политической элитой, то мы увидим, что целый ряд слоев, групп внутри этой элиты (художественная, артистическая и прочая элита) ведут себя совсем не так, как элита управленческая. Мы видим, как много актеров, представителей шоу-бизнеса, к которым мы раньше могли относиться скептически, ведут себя, выказывая абсолютно нормальные человеческие реакции.

Объяснить ситуацию можно тем, что элитой, как каким-то реальным субъектом политики, как людьми, способными принимать решения независимо от бюрократической машины, в которую они встроены, у нас сегодня является только художественная интеллигенция, и даже не обязательно интеллигенция: люди, которые относительно самостоятельны и демонстрируют эту самостоятельность.

Сергей Медведев: Наш разговор прежде всего об управленческой элите. Такое ощущение, что это какие-то кролики перед удавом: люди просто парализованы, они механически исполняют свои функции.

Николай Петров: Я бы их сравнил с командой подлодки, которая пошла на погружение. Не приходится серьезно говорить о том, что у них есть какая-то степень свободы, что они могут принимать решения не в пределах очень узкого круга и поставленных перед ними конкретных задач, а оценивать ситуацию в более общем плане. Я бы все-таки только отчасти объяснил это страхом, хотя основания бояться есть. В прошлом году мы видели жуткие расправы над людьми по разным причинам, они не расследовались, по крайней мере публично: мы ничего об этом не знаем. Очевидно, что это были в том числе сигналы этим управленческим элитам.

Но отчасти я объяснил бы это тем, что на протяжении 20 лет шла деградация номенклатурных элит. Шел, с одной стороны, естественный отбор, когда в системе оставались те люди, которые были готовы выполнять приказания, не задумываясь о смысле того, что они делают, и соответствии этого своим представлениям о морали, и их натаскивали. То есть те, кто сегодня составляет костяк номенклатурной бюрократической системы, – это люди, которые уже давно сделали для себя выбор, а дальше просто двигались по наклонной плоскости. В этом смысле 24 февраля не было для них каким-то Рубиконом.

Сергей Медведев: Реализуется полушутливый мем: куда ты денешься с подводной лодки? А тут подводная лодка погибла в степях Украины в неравном воздушном бою. Вы сказали о сигналах: видимо, не случайна был череда самоубийств крупных менеджеров, в том числе нефтяных компаний?

Николай Петров: Не случайна, безусловно. Это отчасти напоминает то, что мы видели в начале 90-х годов, когда люди, так или иначе связанные с деньгами партии, выбрасывались из своих квартир на высоких этажах. В этот раз новизна была в том, что там же были коллективные убийства или самоубийства, когда человек якобы сначала убивал всю свою семью, а потом кончал жизнь самоубийством. Что объединяет все эти случаи? Помимо того, что это все люди, так или иначе связанные с нефтегазовым сектором, также и то, что информация моментально поступала, как белый шум. Когда отравили Навального, сразу оказалось, что у него и наркотики, и алкоголь, и все остальное, и если бы потом не было тщательного расследования за пределами России, то эти версии так и жили бы в информационном пространстве. Никто специально не расследовал эти убийства – это тоже их объединяет. Возникает загадочная смерть, предположим, высшего сотрудника ЛУКОЙЛа, не просто так, а в день рождения Вагита Алекперова. Нам дают первую версию: человек оступился, упал с балкона или даже кончил жизнь самоубийством, и все, больше мы ничего не знаем. Это уже совершенно мафиозные сигналы – в день рождения, с какими-то совершенно очевидными, демонстративными вещами – все это трудно объяснить стечением обстоятельств. 

Вагит АлекперовСергей Медведев: Загадочная болезнь Чубайса… Или это все-таки скорее совпадение?

Николай Петров: Ситуация мутная, любые вещи хочется объяснять какими-то конспирологическими схемами. Тут могло быть как угодно. Для тех людей, которым разрешено уйти с этой подводной лодки, условием этого ухода является хранить молчание и ни о чем публично не рассказывать: мы, наверное, узнаем об этом не очень скоро.

Сергей Медведев: Но при этом удивляет абсолютно византийская статуарность, застывшесть высшего слоя путинского двора. Ковальчук, Патрушев, Ротенберг, Сечин, Чемезов – примерно 8–10 особ, приближенных к императору, остаются неизменными.

Николай Петров: Это правда. С одной стороны, наверное, логика в этом есть – коней на переправе не меняют. Сегодня, по мнению Путина, Кремля, пришел черед им отдавать долги родине и тем, кто им все это время помогал. С другой стороны, ведь в ситуации подводной лодки людей, которые вдруг даже на относительно высоких постах выходят из обоймы (по самым разным причинам), просто складируют где-то. Многие вещи, я думаю, мы узнаем потом, а сегодня мы просто видим, что человек исчезает, как Дмитрий Козак, место его формально сохраняется, хотя функции перераспределяются.

Кремль старается, с одной стороны, демонстрировать, что никаких поспешных, связанных с сиюминутными вещами, с провалами, решений он не принимает, а с другой стороны, старается не показать, что какие-то изменения происходят. В этом смысле меняется функционал, меняются роли, которые играет та или иная фигура, кто-то задвигается на второй план, кто-то выдвигается ближе, как мы видим среди военных, но каких-то громких отставок мы практически не наблюдаем.

Сергей Медведев: Будем надеяться, что складируют не в зиндане и не “на подвале”, как говорят в Донбассе. При этом, как ты отмечал в своей недавней статье на портале Re: Russia, идет постепенный рост ближней гвардии Путина, условно говоря, его охранников. Если в прежние годы мы помним, как поднялся из охранников Путина Золотов, покойный Зиничев, Дюмин стал губернатором, то сейчас это просто становится системой – как Путин продвигает своих телохранителей.

Николай Петров: Как в самом начале нулевых, когда Путин пришел к власти, когда мы увидели взлет питерских, взлет людей из мэрии, из ФСБ, работавших раньше с Путиным, примерно так же и сейчас. У Путина очень короткая скамейка. В ситуации его собственной изоляции, которая началась несколько лет назад, резко сократившихся контактов с внешним миром мы наблюдаем, что он реально продвигает тех людей, с которыми общается. Есть несколько десятков человек вокруг него, включая ординарцев, телохранителей и так далее: это люди, которых он знает, которым может доверять, он с ними общается уже очень много лет. А всех остальных он просто не знает, и в этом смысле он не может никого брать из каких-то других эшелонов. Эти ординарцы продвигаются не потому, что они особенно эффективны, а потому, что других людей в качестве кадрового резерва нет.

Сергей Медведев: Это просто люди, допущенные к телу. Путин видит их вокруг себя, они ему чай приносят, дверь открывают и так далее. Он знает, что это люди, которые его не убьют, а остальных людей Путин просто не видит.

Николай Петров: Ассоциации с поздним Сталиным. Только тогда классическая номенклатурная система имела очень серьезно разработанный, работавший довольно эффективно блок воспроизводства. Здесь пришел Кириенко, попытался сделать что-то более серьезное, чем раньше на коленке, с кадровым резервом, “Лидеры России” и так далее, но это люди другого эшелона, которых может назначать Кириенко (на посты губернаторов, в том числе), но не Путин.

Сергей Медведев: Олигархи потихоньку уходят в тень? Фридман, Авен, Алекперов, Усманов и так далее – какую роль сейчас играет фактически весь ближний путинский олигархат?

Николай Петров: Это как раз очень интересный слой. Если сравнить поведение олигархов с поведением бюрократической прослойки, с одной стороны, и творческой элиты – с другой, то мы увидим, что олигархи ближе к бюрократической прослойке, они не играют сегодня самостоятельную роль. Если сохраняется какое-то их влияние, то, на мой взгляд, это влияние не индивидуальное, а влияние в качестве тли, которую пасут муравьи-силовики, которая обеспечивает их сахаром, чем-то еще, но не способна принимать собственные решения, делать то, что она хочет.

Зависимость, которую мы видим, задним числом оправдывает те персональные санкции в отношении богатых людей, которые принимались скопом, исходя из презумпции виновности. Вдруг оказывается, что эти люди, даже несмотря на свою позицию, которая отличается, и понятно почему (многие из них родом из Украины, у многих даже остались там родственные и прочие связи, не говоря уже о том, что они умные и нормальные люди), крайне опасаются высказать нечто, что будет воспринято Кремлем как нарушение табу. Алекперов – это как раз один из очень немногих. Тиньков – понятно, он и не в России, и он думает о высоком. Алекперов и ЛУКОЙЛ, совет директоров в самом начале марта принял заявление с осуждением войны. Мы видим, что в результате получилось: их собственников реально оттеснили, произошла, по сути дела, такая ползучая передача права собственности, если не национализация. Значительная часть тех смертей (а их было с десяток в прошлом году) – это смерти людей, связанных с ЛУКОЙЛом.

Рамзан КадыровСергей Медведев: Страшноватый сценарий… Можно понять олигархов, которые оставлены как кормовая база волчьей стаи, силовиков, захвативших власть; оставлены некие дойные коровы, которые смотрят на них зачарованными глазами.

Хочу поговорить о челленджерах путинской бюрократической системы и о том, какая ей может предстоять трансформация. Сначала о челленджерах. Естественно, на слуху Пригожин и Кадыров. Насколько они являются несистемными игроками? Или они вообще полностью завязаны на персональной лояльности Путину?

Николай Петров: Я думаю, они скорее маргинальные системные игроки, чем несистемные. Они, обладая каким-то своим самостоятельным ресурсом, тем не менее как раз в ходе военной кампании показали, что есть очень серьезные ограничения, им может быть перекрыт кислород, их ресурса не хватает на абсолютно самостоятельную игру, они должны встраиваться в какие-то коалиции. Здесь, я думаю, и тот, и другой могут сыграть какую-то заметную роль в будущем.

Но скорее, мне кажется, мы видим в их лице то, что война выносит на поверхность не лучшее, а худшее. Мы видим какую-то публичную мафиозность происходящего с демонстративным нарушением закона. Это демонстративное нарушение тех правил игры, по которым играет вся остальная бюрократия, в том числе силовая, делает этих людей выскочками, малоприемлемыми для других. В этом смысле, я думаю, или они слишком рано выскочили, продемонстрировав себя, или они не очень хорошо встроены в какие-то более крупные, серьезные коалиции. Пока, мне кажется, мы наблюдаем и в том, и в другом случае скорее движение вниз после некоторого прыжка вверх, чем постепенное повышение значимости.

Сергей Медведев: Армия. С одной стороны, мы видим удивительное отсутствие кадровых перемен, несмотря на очевидный, признаваемый в Кремле провал военного планирования, исполнения всего этого, отсутствие перемен в армейском руководстве. С другой стороны, может ли армия в этих условиях всеобщего недовольства, может быть, недовольства среднего и низшего офицерского звена получить какую-то новую субъектность?

Министр обороны РФ Сергей Шойгу и губернатор Тульской области Алексей ДюминНиколай Петров: Думаю, способна в принципе, но не как единая корпорация. Потому что довольно давно мы видим принцип контроля со стороны Кремля за важными, в первую очередь силовыми корпорациями. Он заключается в том, что руководители корпораций не должны быть плотью от плоти корпораций, в этом смысле не должны всецело опираться на поддержку изнутри. Поэтому и министрами обороны у нас являются не выходцы из среды военных, а самые разные фигуры, которые получают какой-то ресурс, но это не тот ресурс, который они могут использовать в персональных интересах.

С другой стороны, понятно, что армия в ходе масштабной войны приобретает большую самостоятельность и субъектность, пусть и не будучи единой корпорацией, не имея в качестве выразителя своих интересов какой-то конкретной фигуры. Конечно, Кремлю придется с этим считаться. Даже после несравнимо меньшей по масштабам кампании в Афганистане мы видели последствия этих военных братств на протяжении очень многих лет. То есть люди спаиваются, объединяются в какие-то хорошо организованные группы с очень серьезными внутренними сетями и доверием, и эти группы начинают играть довольно серьезную роль, пусть и не в качестве единой гигантской миллионной корпорации, но в качестве вполне крупных и при этом вооруженных отрядов.

Сергей Медведев: И первые лица, знаковые персоны, которые были в российской политике в ельцинскую эпоху, все эти генералы так или иначе вышли из Афганистана, из афганских братств, за ними тянулся шлейф войны.

Николай Петров: Любая война, даже существенно более ограниченная, рождает целую плеяду командиров, пусть и не самого высокого уровня, но имеющих авторитет и способных играть дальше внутриполитическую роль.

Сергей Медведев: В этом контексте вопрос о преемниках вообще не стоит? Естественно, он ставится в медийном поле, обсуждается. Но, если посмотреть прогностически с точки зрения политического расклада, сейчас об этом даже и говорить рано?

Николай Петров: Это зависит от того, какое содержание мы вкладываем в слово “преемник”. Если это человек, который заменит Путина в его роли, то, мне кажется, такого варианта у Кремля и у Путина уже нет. Если это человек, который заменит Путина в его формальном качестве – скажем, президента страны, то такого рода людей может быть много, но с их приходом и с уходом Путина кардинально меняется сам режим. В этом смысле преемничество как сохранение базы при смене лица невозможно.

Сергей Медведев: В этом отношении транзит власти в рамках этой системы вообще не стоит на повестке? То, что мы видим в иберийских диктатурах в их поздний период: и Франко, и Салазар – когда готовился переход, за много лет ставилась проблема перехода власти, готовился, как в португальском случае, преемник. В России это невозможно?

Николай Петров: После 24 февраля ситуация очень сильно переменилась. Хотя принято говорить о колоссальных ошибках, допущенных Путиным, если есть какой-то позитивный для Путина результат от этой ужасной войны, то он заключается в том, что система стала в гораздо большей степени его заложницей. Степень риска того, что против него будут выстраиваться какие-то заговоры, существенно уменьшилась. Потому что в этой самой подводной лодке все заинтересованы в том, чтобы сохранять командира, пока он еще справляется со своими обязанностями хотя бы в техническом плане.

Алексей Навальный Сергей Медведев: Какой можно представить сценарий перехода? Какую взять возможную матрицу? Сталин, 1953 год? Или это скорее как после смерти Брежнева: 1982–85 год, сменяющаяся череда старцев на престоле?Николай Петров: Плюсами той и другой системы перехода власти была гораздо большая институционализированность системы. Было политбюро, было понятно, как срабатывает механизм смены одного лидера другим. И даже в случае Сталина, когда это было менее понятно, были институты. Сегодня этих институтов нет. Поэтому я бы рассматривал две базовые опции, более мягкую и более жесткую. Более мягкая – это все-таки каким-то образом контролируемая передача власти с резким изменением системы, потому что того объема власти, который сегодня есть в руках Путина, не может быть ни у кого другого, по крайней мере в первое время. А с другой стороны, более жесткая, когда Путин исчезает неожиданно, без какой бы то ни было подготовки, когда начинается грызня и борьба всех со всеми, в результате которой создается какая-то выигрышная коалиция в хорошем случае.

Сергей Медведев: Механизмы ротации элиты и смены лидера так же неэффективны, как и все остальное на этом медленно тонущем корабле.

Russian efforts to seize more Ukrainian territory are likely doomed unless the Kremlin manages to launch another draft, U.S. intelligence chiefs told lawmakers on Thursday, adding that Russia’s ground forces will in any case need years to rebuild.

“If Russia does not initiate a mandatory mobilization and secure substantial third-party ammunition supplies beyond existing deliveries, from Iran and others, it will be increasingly challenging for them to sustain even modest offensive operations,” Avril Haines, who heads the Office of the Director of National Intelligence or ODNI, told the Senate Armed Services Committee.

Gen. Scott Berrier, who heads the Defense Intelligence Agency, or DIA, confirmed the analysis. “The reorganization that the Russian military took in the early 2000s meant that they were better, faster, smaller…from what they were in the Soviet era. That army largely is gone and they’re relying on reserves and reserve equipment, older Soviet-era kinds of kit. It’s gonna take them a while to build back to more advanced kit. The estimates go from five to 10 years based on how sanctions affect them.”

Many observers of the Russian military in Europe and in Washington have argued that a second mobilization would be nearly impossible for Russia to undertake successfully and would put Russian President Vladimir Putin in a politically perilous position.

Haines and Berrier’s remarks follow April statements from Gen. Chris Cavoli, who heads U.S. European Command. Cavoli told lawmakers that Russian ground forces had been degraded “somewhat” but that Russian nuclear forces, including bombers and submarines, remained untouched by the war.

Some pro-Russian voices on Twitter framed Cavoli’s comments as an indication that war has not affected Russian forces and that Russia retained the advantage in the conflict.

Berrier said his analysis of the situation was “very, very similar” to Cavoli’s in thatRussia remained an “existential threat with a nuclear arsenal that they have.”

Haines said Putin likely still aims to destroy Ukraine as a free, independent nation but that the Russian leader recognizes he won’t be able to achieve that objective anytime soon. “We assess that Putin probably has scaled back his immediate ambitions to consolidate control of the occupied territory in eastern and southern Ukraine, and ensuring that Ukraine will never become a NATO ally,” she said. He “may be willing to claim at least a temporary victory based on roughly the territory he is occupying.”

But while Putin may have hit a wall in Ukraine, Russian forces are branching out elsewhere. Last week, Cavoli testified that Russian submarine activity had been increasing in some parts of the Atlantic. Lt. Gen. Alexus Grynkewich, who leads Air Forces Central Command, recently told Defense One that Russian pilots over Syria are trying to goad U.S. pilots into dogfights.

Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., asked Berrier and Haines about such actions. “Are there other instances of growing Russian aggression and…what’s the intelligence community’s assessment for why Russia has grown increasingly aggressive in these ways?”

Haines asked to respond in closed session.

After exhausting excuses for its disastrous military failures in the aggression against Ukraine, Russian media resort to dusting the country’s favourite ancient scapegoat: the Jews. Cnaan Lipshitz of The Times of Israel daily analysed the recent developments in the resurging antisemitism as it permeates the Russian media landscape.

Lipshitz’s “Antisemitism seen seeping into Russian media landscape as Ukraine invasion slows” article was published by The Times of Israel on September 29. In the article, he notes how the recent resurgence of antisemitic rhetoric in the past two months has obliterated any progress in removing antisemitism from the public discourse that was made over the past 22 years. Under Putin, open antisemitism has been cracked down upon. Save for a few exceptions, most rulers of the Kremlin have “either encouraged, tolerated or ignored” antisemitism. Russia invaded Ukraine under the pretence of denazifying the country. But no one of any importance on the international stage took such ludicrous claims seriously. With the exception, perhaps, of the Russian people, who after such a long time of being brainwashed by the state propaganda machine have seemingly lost the ability to think for themselves.

As the article reads, “Putin’s invasion of Ukraine has left him isolated on the world stage, with his claims of Nazis in Ukraine largely dismissed as a fabrication, making a strong stance against antisemitism less useful.”

And as the seemingly inevitable victory of the Russians, who obviously are always the goodies, failed to materialise and Ukraine started to gain the upper hand, Russian propagandists scrambled to find someone to blame the failure on. And they resorted to the oldest trick in the playbook: blaming the Jews.

“At a moment when the regime’s stability was threatened, a Jewish target was selected,” Lipshits quotes Roman Bronfman, a former Israeli lawmaker. “In many ways, this is a repeat of multiple episodes in Russian history, including the final days of Josef Stalin’s time in power.”

Indeed, Stalin’s death likely saved the lives of tens or even hundreds of thousands of Soviet Jews. Not having purged anyone for quite some time, the Red Tsar instigated a new wave of repression justified by the so-called “Doctors’ Plot”, accusing physicians of Jewish origins of plotting to murder the Soviet leadership.

The diminishing devaluation of certain words has always proven the cynicism of politicians and the irresponsibility of the media, but the reckless…

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The current situation is a heel-face turn for Putin’s regime. During his time in power, antisemitism has been heavily censured. Lipshitz points to two recent examples of this. A man was jailed for two-and-a-half years for scrawling antisemitic graffiti in 2019, and the police in Krasnodar engaged a rabbi to fake his own death to trap two terror suspects in 2020. It is hard to tell, whether Putin’s crackdown on antisemitism stemmed from his genuine sympathy for the Jewish people or from principled convictions, it just so happened to work very well with the “denazifcation” of the supposedly traditionally antisemitic Ukrainians talking point that was used to justify the invasion. What is important is that “as Russia’s war machine stalls in Ukraine […] there are mounting signs that the Putin-era taboos on displays of antisemitism are falling,” writes Lipshitz.

And so, the can was opened, and the antisemitic worms crawled out of it.

To justify the Russian aggression against Ukraine, the Kremlin’s propaganda machine has been peddling a preposterous narrative of ‘denazifying’…

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In July, Vladimir Solovyov, a Russian propagandist pundit, himself of Jewish background and always making sure everybody knows it, read the names of Jews whom he believed lacked patriotism on air. More recently, on September 18 (after the immensely successful surprise Kharkiv counteroffensive carried out by the Ukrainian and after the discovery of mass graves in liberated areas), Moskovskiy Komsomolets daily published an article from Dmitry Popov, its senior writer, listing well-known Jews whom he called “foreign agents”, a term the regime uses to discredit its opponents and judicially persecute them. The Jews might one day form a government in “the beautiful Russia of the future” (i.e. post-Putin), sarcastically mused Popov.

“Antisemitism has returned: Jews are blamed for the ‘beautiful Russia of the future,’” wrote Yulia Kalinina, a former longtime writer at the paper who collaborated with Popov, in an article published recently on the Novye Izvestiya website. Kalinina, who herself has Jewish ancestry, was shocked by the article. Popov’s article was later revised to omit the antisemitic parts of it.

“Russian antisemitism is much older than the Soviet Union. One of the three Russian words that have become an international term, in addition to vodka, is ‘pogrom’,” another collaborator of Moskovskiy Komsomolets anonymously told Novye Izvestiya.

If the Russian media limited themselves to polluting their landscape with antisemitic rhetoric targetting perceived internal enemies, perhaps few would have taken notice. But they also decided to throw some muck at the foreigners who oppose the regime abroad. Here is what Agnia Krengel, of The Strategic Culture Foundation think tank, wrote of Bernard-Henri Lévy, a prominent French-Jewish journalist, philosopher, and supporter of Ukraine. Lipshitz describes the language used by Krengel as “reminiscent of the classical antisemitism of the 19th and 20th centuries.”“This 74-year-old French citizen, born in a family of Algerian Jews, smells blood with his nose and, without delay, flies to lap it up — and for good money,” wrote Krengel of Lévy.

The wording is not merely “reminiscent”, as Lipshitz rather kindly describes it.It stinks of “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion” and Nazi rags like “Der Stürmer”.

For months, Rabbi Hillel Cohen has delivered spiritual assistance to Jews (as well as gentiles) serving in the Ukrainian Armed Forces. Rav Cohen…

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“The uptick in antisemitism adds to the forces that have caused tens of thousands of Russian Jews to leave their country since Putin invaded Ukraine,” writes Lipshitz. According to the data quoted by him, about 15 percent of Russia’s Jewish population (20,000 people), have left Russia for Israel in 2022 ALONE. The exodus of the Jews is likely going to gain pace after the mobilisation announced by Putin on September 22, and Israeli authorities are reportedly preparing for it. This, in turn, will likely feedback into the perception of Jews as unpatriotic. “Already, Russian media has noted that Chabad of Russia has appeared to speak of the war critically at a time when all other prominent clerics of state-recognized faiths have endorsed it,” writes Lipshitz. “Meanwhile, reports have noted that multiple highly-visible Jewish oligarchs — including Roman Abramovich, Viktor Vekselberg and Michael Friedman — have left Russia since the war began.” As the aforementioned Roman Bronfman said, this “led to an optic of Jews abandoning ship when the going gets hard”. But he also says that he doubts the resurgent antisemitism is a move ordered by Putin himself. Rather, it reflects “the zeitgeist at a time when ordinary Russians are experiencing privations and even danger because of Putin’s war in Ukraine.”

“These are matters of a general atmosphere,” Lipshitz quotes Bronfman. “Officials and the general population are reading between the lines on how they should treat the Jews. And the message is changing,” concludes Bronfman, and Lipshitz’s article.

source: The Times of Israel

    The sparrow-faced man in the battle uniform of an American general clambered down the steps of the U.S. Army transport plane upon its arrival at Washington National Airport. It was August 24, 1945, two weeks after the surrender of Japan, three months after the German capitulation. The general was hustled into a van with no windows and whisked to Fort Hunt outside the capital. There he was attended by white-jacketed orderlies and, the next morning, fitted with a dark-grey business suit from one of Washington’s swankiest men’s stores.     General Reinhard Gehlen was ready to cut a deal.     Reinhard Gehlen had been, up until the recent capitulation, Adolph Hitler’s chief intelligence officer against the Soviet Union. His American captors had decked him out in one of their uniforms to deceive the Russians, who were hunting him as a war criminal. Now U.S. intelligence was going to deploy Gehlen and his network of spies against the Russians. The Cold War was on.

This is a story of how key nazis, even as the Wehrmacht was still on the offensive, anticipated military disaster and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised, in havens in the West. It is the story of how honorable men, and some not so honorable, were so blinded by the Red menace that they fell into lockstep with nazi designs. It is the story of the Odd Couple Plus One: the mob, the CIA and fanatical exiles, each with its own reason for gunning for Kennedy. It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963 when John Kennedy was struck down. And it is a story with an aftermath — America’s slide to the brink of fascism. As William L. Shirer, author of The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, put it in speaking of the excesses of the Nixon administration, “We could become the first country to go fascist through free elections.”

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General Reinhard Gehlen, shown (center) in a rare photograph taken during WWII.

Even Robert Ludlum would have been hard put to invent a more improbable espionage yam. In the eyes of the CIA Reinhard Gehlen was an “asset” of staggering potential. He was a professional spymaster, violently anti-Communist and, best of all, the controller of a vast underground network still in place inside Russian frontiers. His checkered past mattered not. “He’s on our side and that’s all that matters,” chuckled Allen Dulles, a U.S. intelligence officer during the war who later headed the CIA. “Besides, one need not ask a Gehlen to one’s club.”     Gehlen negotiated with his American “hosts” with the cool hand of a Las Vegas gambler. When the German collapse was at hand, he had looked to the future. He lugged all his files into the Bavarian Alps and cached them at a site called, appropriately, Misery Meadows. Then he buried his Wehrmacht uniform with the embroidered eagle and swastika, donned an Alpine coat, and turned himself in to the nearest U.S. Army detachment. When the advancing Russians searched his headquarters at Zossen, all they found were empty file cabinets and litter.

The deal Gehlen struck with the Americans was not, for obvious reasons, released to the Washington Post. As Heinz Hohne and Hermann Zolling phrased it in The General Was A Spy, the German general took his entire apparatus, “unpurged and without interruption, into the service of the American superpower.” There is no evidence that he ever renounced the Third Reich’s postwar plan, advanced by his own family’s publishing house, to colonize vast regions of Eastern Russia, create a huge famine for 40,000,000, and treat the remaining 50,000,000 “racially inferior Slavs as slaves.”

Allen Dulles may not have invited such a man to his club, but he did the next best thing: he funneled an aggregate of $200 million in CIA funds to the Gehlen Organization as it became known. Directing operations from a fortress-like nerve center in Bavaria, Gehlen reactivated his network inside Russia. Soon, news of the first Russian jet fighter, the MiG-15, was channeled back to the West. In 1949 the general scored an espionage coup when he turned up Soviet plans for the remilitarization of East Germany.     When Dulles spoke, Gehlen listened. The CIA chief was convinced, along with his brother, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, that the “captive nations” of the Soviet bloc would rise up if given sufficient encouragement. At his behest, Gehlen recruited and trained an exile mercenary force ready to rush in without involving American units. Also at Dulles’ direction, Gehlen tapped the ranks of his wartime Russian collaborators for a cadre of spies to be parachuted into the Soviet Union. Some of these spies were schooled at the CIA’s clandestine base at Atsugi, Japan, where, in 1957, a young Marine named Lee Harvey Oswald was posted to the U-2 spy plane operation there.     Atsugi was only one station on Oswald’s Far East intelligence route; he was also at the U-2 base at Subic Bay in the Philippines and, for a short while, at Ping-Tung. Taiwan In 1959 he was transferred to a Marine base at Santa Ana, California for instructions in radar surveillance. His training officer had graduated from the Georgetown School of Foreign Service, which had close Agency ties. In May, 1960, when President Eisenhower was planning a summit meeting with Soviet Premier Khrushchev, a U-2 was shot down over Russia and its pilot captured. The pilot, Francis Gary Powers, later blamed his demise on Lee Harvey Oswald. The U-2 affair effectively sabotaged Ike’s summit meeting.     In 1955, by pre-arrangement, the Gehlen Organization was transferred to the West German Government, becoming its first intelligence arm, the BND. The BND became a Siamese twin of the CIA a global operation. They had already worked well together, in Iran in 1953, where the country’s first democratic government was in power. Two years earlier Premier Mossadegh had rashly nationalized the oil industry. Dulles, with Gehlen’s help, engineered a coup that toppled Mossadegh and reestablished the Pahlevi family regime. The family patriarch, General Reza Pahlevi, had been banished from the country for his pro-nazi activities during the war. Now his son, Mohammed Reza Pahlevi, ascended the Peacock Throne. The Shah of Iran became one of the CIA’s most faithful assets.     Gehlen pioneered the setting up of dummy fronts and cover companies to support his farflung covert operations. A major project was to form Eastern European emigre groups in the U.S. that could be used against the Soviets. Both the Tolstoy Foundation and the Union of Bishops of the Orthodox Church Outside Russia were funded by the CIA. When Lee and Marina Oswald arrived from the Soviet Union in June, 1962 they were befriended by some three dozen White Russians in the Dallas-Ft. Worth area. Many had identifiable nazi links; others were in the oil and defense industries. It was an improbable social set for a defector to the U.S.S.R. and his wife from Minsk.     By the time the Gehlen Organization became part of the West German state, Gehlen already had his agent-in-place in the United States. He was Otto Albrecht von Bolschwing, who had been a captain in Heinrich Himmler’s dreaded SS and Adolph Eichmann’s superior in Europe and Palestine. Von Bolschwing worked simultaneously for Dulles’ OSS. When he entered the U.S. in February, 1954, he cleverly concealed his nazi past. He was to take over Gehlen’s network not only in this country but in many corners of the globe. He became closely associated with the late Elmer Bobst of Warner-Lambert Pharmaceutical, a godfather of Richard Nixon’s political career, which brought him inside Nixon’s 1960 campaign for the presidency. In 1969 he showed up in California with a high-tech firm called TCI that held classified Defense Department contracts. His translator for German projects was Helene van Damme, Governor Ronald Reagan’s appointments secretary. Von Damme is currently U.S. Ambassador to Austria, next door to the nazi’s homeland.    In 1968 Reinhard Gehlen withdrew to his chalet in Bavaria. The chalet had been a gift from Allen Dulles.

Wild Bill Donovan of the OSS, Allen Dulles and the Vatican    Allen Dulles dubbed it Operation Sunrise. He mounted it from his walk-up office in Bern, Switzerland, where, since 1942, he had maintained contact with key nazis. Operation Sunrise was conceived when these nazis decided, in the face of defeat, that they preferred to surrender to the Americans and British. The agreement, which double-crossed the Russians, was signed April 29, 1945.
The principle negotiator on the German side was SS Commander Karl Wolff, head of the Gestapo in Italy. Wolff acted with full authority, for he was formerly chief of Heinrich Himmler’s personal staff. Wolff’s relationship with Dulles spared him from the dock at Nuremberg, but when it was later discovered that he had dispatched “at least” 300,000 Jews to the Treblinka death camp he was handed a token sentence. In 1983 Wolff made the social pages when he and some of his old SS buddies sojourned on the late Hermann Goering’s yacht Carin II of Hamburg. The skipper was Gert Heidemann, an avowed Hamburg nazi. The yacht belonged to the widow, Emmy Goering, whose estate attorney was the celebrated Melvin Belli. Belli has always had an eclectic clientele. He represented Jack Ruby after he shot Oswald. And he represented actor Errol Flynn’s family interests. Flynn (once a close friend of Ronald Reagan) has been identified as having collaborated with the Gestapo.

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John J. McCloy had a lengthy career riddled with Nazi sympathies

When Wolff hammered out the secret surrender terms with Dulles, he had in the back of his mind a safe diaspora for his nazi compatriots. This is where the OSS, William Donovan and the sovereign state of the Vatican came in. “Wild Bill” Donovan was top dog in the OSS. Shortly before the Germans overran Europe, Father Felix Morlion, a papal functionary, had set up a Vatican intelligence organization called Pro Deo in Lisbon. When the U.S. entered the war Donovan moved Morlion lock, stock and barrel to New York and opened a sizeable bank account for him to draw on. The priest founded the American Council for International Promotion of Democracy Under God, on 60th Street. In the same building is the office of William Taub, whose name popped up during the Watergate affair. Taub is well-known as a wide-ranging middleman for such powerful figures as Nixon, Howard Hughes, Aristotle Onassis and Jimmy Hoffa, and his behind-the-scenes maneuvers were invaluable to Nixon in his 1960 run at the presidency. Taub was especially close to Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviania of the Holy See, who arranged Mussolini’s 1929 “donation” of $89 million to the Vatican to ensure its neutrality with Mussolini and Hitler. The money went into a special fund in the Vatican Bank, and after the war part of it was entrusted to “God’s Banker” Michele Sindona for investment. Sindona channeled a good chunk of it to the Nixon campaign.     When Rome was liberated in 1944 Morlion and Pro Deo relocated there. In recognition of Donovan’s good works on behalf of Pro Deo, Pope Plus XII knighted him with the Grand Cross of the Order of St. Sylvester. And before he flew off to Washington to cut his deal with the CIA, Reinhard Gehlen received the Sovereign Military Order of Malta award from the Pontiff. So did James Jesus Angleton, a Donovan operative in Rome who became the CIA’s chief of counterintelligence.

For Dulles, Operation Sunset was a personal triumph, one that set in motion his rise to the top of the intelligence heap. In 1963, by virtue of that position, he became the CIA’s representative on the Warren Commission.

John J. McCloy and the Chase Manhattan    President Lyndon Johnson asked John J. McCloy to serve on the Warren Commission. No less than nine presidents had called on the Wall Street lawyer for special assignments, yet he was little known to the public. McCloy said he entered the investigation “thinking there was a conspiracy,” but left it convinced that Oswald acted alone. “I never saw a case that was more completely proven,” he asserted.
McCloy had long been involved in the murky world of espionage, intrigue and nazis. He spent the decade of the 1930s working out of Paris. Much of his time was spent on a law case stemming from German sabotage in World War I. His investigation took him to Berlin, where he shared a box with Hitler at the 1936 Olympics. He was in contact with Rudolph Hess before the Nazi leader made a mysterious flight to England in 1941.

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Major General Charles A. Willoughby, “Our own Junker general.”

When the nazis occupied Europe, the banking exchanges between Britain and the U.S. on the one hand and Germany on the other carried on as usual. In Trading With the Enemy, Charles Higham documents the role of Standard Oil of New Jersey, owned by the Chase Manhattan Bank, and I.G. Farben’s Sterling Products with the Bank for International Settlements. Standard Oil tankers plied the sea lanes with fuel for the nazi war machine. Prior to the war McCloy was legal counsel to Farben, the German chemical monopoly.
As an assistant secretary in the War Department during the war:

    When the curtain fell on the war, McCloy helped shield Klaus Barbie, the “butcher of Lyons,” from the French. Barbie and other vicious dogs from Hitler’s kennel were hidden out with the 370th Counter Intelligence Corps at Obergamergau. One of their keepers was Private Henry Kissinger, soon to enter Harvard as a McCloy protege.     In 1949 McCloy returned to Germany as American High Commissioner. He commuted the death sentences of a number of nazi war criminals, and gave early releases to others. One was Alfred Krupp, convicted of using slave labor in his armaments factories. Another was Hitler’s financial genius, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, who subsequently went on the payroll of Aristotle Onassis.     In 1952 McCloy left a Germany that was prepared to re-arm to return to his law practice. He became president of the Chase Manhattan Bank, director of a dozen blue chip corporations, and legal counsel to the “Seven Sisters” of American oil. During this period he acquired a client, the Nobel oil firm, whose interests in Czarist Russia had been managed by the father of George de Mohrenschildt, Lee and Marina Oswald’s “best friend” in Dallas.

Busy as he was McCloy found time to supervise construction of the new Pentagon building. It was nicknamed “McCloy’s Folly.”

J. Edgar Hoover and Interpol    FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover “mistrusted and disliked all three Kennedy brothers. President Johnson and Hoover had mutual fear and hatred for the Kennedys,” wrote the late William Sullivan, for many years an assistant FBI director. Hoover hated Robert Kennedy, who as Attorney General was his boss, and feared John. In turn the President distrusted Allen Dulles, easing him out as CIA director after the 1961 Bay of Pigs debacle. When JFK moved to lower the oil depletion allowance, he incurred the displeasure of John McCloy, whose clients’ profits would be trimmed.     Hoover, Dulles and McCloy did not belong to the Kennedy fan club. When the president was shot, Hoover controlled the field investigation, and Dulles and McCloy helped mold the final verdict of the Warren Commission.     As America stood on the threshold of World War II Hoover continued a friendly relationship with the nazis who dominated Interpol, the Berlin-based international secret police. He had been obsessed with the “Red menace” since 1919 when he became head of the Bureau’s General Intelligence Division. Heinrich Himmler, Reinhard Heydrich, Arthur Nebe and other fanatical nazis were active in Interpol. Even after Hitler occupied Czechoslovakia, Hoover ignored all evidence of nazi death squads and atrocities and cooperated with the boys in Berlin. As France fell, Hoover exchanged lists of wanted criminals, enclosing autographed photographs of himself. It was not until three days before Pearl Harbor that he called a halt — and then only because he feared his image might be tarnished.

When the war had been imminent Roosevelt charged Hoover with ferreting out nazi spies in the Western Hemisphere. Two escaped his notice. As early as 1933 Gestapo agent Dr. Hermann Friedrick Erben recruited Errol Flynn as an intelligence source. Erben went on to become a naturalized American citizen, but never abandoned his loyalty to Hitler. Flynn went on to make “Santa Fe Trail” in 1940, co-starring with Ronald Reagan, and the two paired up for “Desperate Journey” in 1942.

George de Mohrenschildt, the Oswalds’ genial host in Dallas, was tagged by Hoover’s FBI as a nazi spy during World War II. G-men noted that his cousin, Baron Maydell, had nazi ties, and that his uncle distributed pro-nazi films. Their suspicions were confirmed when they trailed de Mohrenschildt from New York to Corpus Christi. On October 8, 1942 a “lookout” was placed in his file in case he applied for another passport.

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J. Edgar Hoover: he kept alive the Nazi intelligence network INTERPOL

The parts left out of J. Edgar Hoover’s investigation before and after Kennedy was killed were the nazi associations de Mohrenschildt had while working for U.S. intelligence.     George’s cousin, the movie producer Baron Constantine Maydell, was one of the top German Abwehr agents in North America. Reinhard von Gehlen recruited Maydell in the post-war era to be in charge of the CIA’s Russian emigre programs.     Gehlen recruited veterans of Maydell’s Abwehr Group to work with East European emigre organizations inside the U.S.     Part of Lee and Marina’s red carpet treatment in the U.S. started with their arrival from the USSR. Spas T. Raigkin was the ex-Secretary General of a group such as Maydell’s. The AFABN, the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, with CIA funding, assisted Lee and Marina to get settled.     J. Edgar Hoover was trained only to see if there were Communists around …the red menace. The Abwehr, Reinhard Gehlen and Maydell were overlooked by the FBI.

After the war Interpol ostensibly cleaned up its act, moved to Paris and installed the prestigious Hoover as vice president. Yet Interpol steadfastly refused to hunt for nazi war criminals, contending it was independent of politics. The excuse appeared a bit lame when, in the 1970s, former SS officer Paul Dickopf became president.

“Sir” Charles Willoughby — a Franco-German-American    He was a bull of a man who spoke with a German accent, wore a custom-tailored general’s uniform and affected a monocle. A fellow officer in the U.S. army under his true name of Adolph Charles Weidenbach, born in Heidelberg, March 8, 1892. But by the time he became Douglas MacArthur’s chief of intelligence for the war in the Pacific, he was Major General Charles A. Willoughby. Behind his back he was derisively tagged “Sir Charles.”     For a man of such Teutonic traits it was odd that Willoughby preferred his fascism with a Spanish accent. But this was an accident of geography. While serving as a military attache in Ecuador, he had received a decoration from Mussolini’s government — the Order of Saints Maurizio and Lazzaro. After delivering an impassioned paean to Spanish dictator Generalissimo Francisco Franco at a lunch in Madrid, he was toasted by the secretary general of the Falangist Party, “I am happy to know a fellow Falangist and reactionary.     MacArthur’s pre-war headquarters were in the Philippines, whose commerce was dominated by resident Spaniards. The Daddy Warbucks of this crowd was Andres Soriano, who owned an early-day conglomerate of airlines, mines, breweries (“Of course!”) and American distributorships. During the Spanish Civil War Soriano was one of Franco’s principal money-bags. When the Rising Sun flag was raised over the Philippines Soriano fled to Washington to become finance minister of the government-in-exile. But there was such a fuss over his fascist reputation that he flew off to Australia to become a colonel on MacArthur’s staff.     Willoughby accompanied the Supreme Commander to Tokyo for the occupation of Japan. His preferences remained the same; when military police shook down his hotel looking for a fugitive, they found Willoughby at dinner with the stranded Italian fascist ambassador to Japan and members of his staff. He became a heavy-handed censor, suppressing unfavorable news to the States. He delighted in falsely labeling correspondents who defied him as “Communists,” a tactic Senator McCarthy would adopt with enthusiasm. But the general’s priority project was a dressed-up history of the Pacific War in which MacArthur would be the towering hero. Willoughby brought in Japanese military brass for a view from the enemy side, a move that may have had an ulterior motive. The possibility existed that Willoughby was down-playing Japanese war crimes so that the perpetrators could be protected for use against the Soviets later. This was happening in Germany where the top nazis were writing the history of Malmedy. The tight security in which Willoughby wrapped the project only adds to this impression. One woman had a passkey, the wife of Dr. Mitsutaro Araki, a former exchange lecturer in Germany, who was closely tied in with high nazis in Tokyo and the Tojo clique.     Willoughby harbored another secret that only came to light last year. During the war, the Japanese conducted germ warfare experiments with human beings as guinea pigs (at least 3,000 died, including an undetermined number of captured U.S. military). The Pentagon decided that the biological research might prove handy against the Russians, and the Japanese responsible for the experiments were granted immunity from prosecution in return for their laboratory records. On December 12, 1947 the Pentagon acknowledged the “wholehearted cooperation” of Willoughby in arranging the examination of the “human pathological material which had been transferred to Japan from the biological warfare installations.”

As his final public gesture to Franco, Willoughby lobbied the U.S. Congress in August, 1952 to authorize $100 million for the anti-Communist dictator’s needs. Then he settled down in the U.S. to do battle with the domestic enemy. As Sir Charles and his right-wing allies saw it, Marxism wasn’t the real enemy, the Liberals were.

1952: The Travels of Klaus Barbie, Evita Peron, Otto Skorzeny, and Nicolae Malaxa

By 1952 Klaus Barbie had arrived in Bolivia via a stop in Argentina. He had been spirited out of Germany by the CIA, with a hand from the Vatican. Soon he teamed up with SS Major Otto Skorzeny, who now was affiliated with the CIA. Dr. Fritz Thyssen and Dr. Gustav Krupp, both beneficiaries of McCloy’s amnesty, bankrolled Skorzeny from the start. Barbie and Skorzeny were soon forming death squads such as the Angels of Death in Bolivia, the Anti-Communist Alliance in Argentina, and in Spain, with Stephen Della Chiaie, the Guerrillas of Christ the King.
In 1952 the nazi, Martin Bormann’s money was released. In Argentina, Evita Peron died of cancer at age 33. In her name was deposited, in 40 Swiss banks, the nazi money. There was $100 million cash, another $40 million in diamonds. Several hundred million more were set aside with Evita’s brother, Juan Duarte, as the courier. This led to three murders the following year:

    In 1952 Otto Skorzeny, who had been released from American custody in 1947, moved to Madrid. He created what is known as the International Fascista. The CIA and the Gehlen BND dispatched him to “trouble spots.” On his payroll were former SS agents, French OAS terrorists and secret police from Portugal’s PDID. PDID are the same initials as the Los Angeles police intelligence unit, Public Disorder Intelligence Division. The California PDID was exposed on May 24, 1983 as spying on law abiding citizens at an expense of $100,000, utilizing a computerized dossier system bought by the late Representative Larry McDonald’s “Western Goals.” (McDonald was a national leader of the John Birch Society, which was exceedingly active in Dallas preceding the Kennedy assassination. Western Goals has offices in Germany run by Eugene Wigner that feed data to the Gehlen BND.)     On the board of Western Goals are such Cold Warriors as Edward Teller, Admiral Thomas Moorer and Dr. Hans Senholt, once a Luftwaffe pilot.     SS Colonel Skorzeny’s CIA agents participated in terror campaigns waged by Operation 40 in Guatemala, Brazil and Argentina. Skorzeny was also in charge of the Paladin mercenaries, whose cover, M.C. Inc., was a Madrid export-import firm.     Dr. Gerhard Hartmut von Schubert, [formerly] of Joseph Goebbels’ propaganda ministry, was M.C. operating manager. The nerve center for Skorzeny’s operations was in Albufera, Spain. It was lodged in the same building as the Spanish intelligence agency SCOE under Colonel Eduardo Blanco and was also an office of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.     The Albufera building was the kind of intelligence nest that was duplicated in New Orleans in 1963. That summer Lee Harvey Oswald handed out pro-Castro literature stamped with the address 544 Camp Street, a commercial building. This was a blunder, because Oswald actually was under the control of an anti-Castro operation headquartered there. His controller, W. Guy Banister, was connected with military intelligence, the CIA and a section of the World Anti-Communist League that had been set up by Willoughby and his Far Pacific intelligence unit in Taiwan.

In The Great Heroin Coup, Henrik Kruger disclosed that the International Fascist was “not only the first step toward fulfilling the dream of Skorzeny, but also of his close friends in Madrid, exile Jose Lopez Rega, Juan Peron’s grey eminence, and prince Justo Valerio Borghese, the Italian fascist money man who had been rescued from execution at the hands of the World War II Italian resistance by future CIA counterintelligence whiz James J. Angleton.”

A subcommittee on international operations of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee prepared a report “Latin America: Murder, Inc.” that is still classified. The title repeated Lyndon Johnson’s remark, three months before he died, “We were running a Murder, Inc. in the Caribbean.” The report concluded: “The United States had joint operations between Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay. The joint operations were known as Operation Condor. These are special teams used to carry out ‘sanctions,’ the killing of enemies.”    Jack Anderson gave a few details in his column “Operation Condor, An Unholy Alliance” August 3, 1979:

“Assassination teams are centered in Chile. This international consortium is located in Colonia Dignidad, Chile. Founded by nazis from Hitler’s SS, headed by Franz Pfeiffer Richter, Adolf Hitler’s 1000-year Reich may not have perished. Children are cut up in front of their parents, suspects are asphyxiated in piles of excrement or rotated to death over barbecue pits.”

Otto Skorzeny code-named his assault on American soldiers in the Battle of the Bulge Operation Greif, the “Condor.” He continued Condor with his post-war special teams that imposed “sanctions,” meaning the assassination of enemies. Skorzeny’s father-in-law was Hjalmar Schacht, president of Hitler’s Reichsbank. Schacht guided Onassis’ shipyards in rebuilding the German and Japanese war fleets. In 1950 Onassis signed on Lars Anderson for his whaling ships on the hunt off Antarctica and Argentina. Anderson had belonged to Vidkum Quisling’s nazi collaborationist group in Norway during the war. Clay Shaw, who was charged by New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison with complicity in the JFK assassination, was a close friend of Hjalmar Schacht.

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Colonia Dignidad. Nobody comes, nobody goes

In 1952 Nicolae Malaxa moved from Whittier California to Argentina. Malaxa had belonged to Otto von Bolschwing’s Gestapo network, as did his associate, Viorel Trifia, who was living in Detroit. They were members of the Nazi Iron Guard in Romania, and had felt prosecution. They had one thing in common; they were friends of Richard Nixon.     Trifia had been brought to the U.S. by von Bolschwing. Malaxa had escaped from Europe with over $200 million in U.S. dollars. Upon arrival in New York he picked up another $200 million from Chase Manhattan Bank. The legal path for his entry was smoothed by the Sullivan & Cromwell law offices, the Dulles brothers firm. Undersecretary of State Adolph Berle, who had helped Nixon and star witness Whittaker Chambers convict Alger Hiss, personally testified on Malaxa’s behalf before a congressional subcommittee on immigration. In 1951 Senator Nixon introduced a private bill to allow Malaxa permanent residence. Arrangements for his relocation in Whittier were made by Nixon’s law office. The dummy front cover for Malaxa in Whittier was Western Tube. In 1946 Nixon had gotten a call from Herman L. Perry asking if he wanted to run for Congress against Rep. Jerry Voorhis. Perry later became president of Western Tube.

When Malaxa went to Argentina in 1952, he linked up with Juan Peron and Otto Skorzeny. Questions were raised at the time about J. Edgar Hoover, the Iron Guard, Malaxa and Vice President Nixon.

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Richard M. Nixon: strange friends in strange places and occupations

1960 Elections: Richard Nixon vs. John F. Kennedy    Before the election of 1960, a group within the Christian Right plotted to kill John Kennedy in Van Nuys, California while he was still a candidate. The group was a meld of anti-Castro Cubans, Minutemen and home-grown nazis. Some were sought by Jim Garrison, following his arrest of Clay Shaw, for testimony before the New Orleans grand jury. When Garrison forwarded extradition papers for Edgar Eugene Bradley, a member of the group, Governor Ronald Reagan refused to sign them.     The leader of one of these groups, the Christian Defense League (CDL), was the Reverend William P. Gale. During the war Gale had been an Army colonel in the Philippines training guerilla bands. His superior officer was Willoughby. By the late 1950s Gale was recruiting veterans for his “Identity” group, which was financed by a wealthy Los Angeles man.

One of the CDL’s contacts was Captain Robert K. Brown, a special forces professional from Fort Benning, Georgia. Brown was working with anti-Castro Cubans, mercenaries similar to Skorzeny’s teams. Brown is now publisher of Soldier of Fortune magazine and paramilitary texts such as Silencers, Snipers, and Assassins. The book explains how Mitchell WerBell made special weapons for the CIA, Bay of Pigs assault squads and other customers. WerBell, son of a wealthy Czarist cavalry officer, perfected a silencer so effective a gun can be shot in one room and not heard in the next. It is ideal for assassinations.

There had been prolonged controversy about how many shots were fired the day Kennedy was killed. The President’s wounds, nicks on the limousine and curb, and other bullet evidence indicated quite a few. But the Warren Commission concluded there were only three. It took the testimony of spectators in Dealy Plaza who said they only heard three. It never considered the possibility that silencer-fitted guns were fired.    When Clay Shaw was arrested by Jim Garrison the news was of particular interest to the Italian newspaper Paesa Sera. It followed up with a story that Shaw belonged to a cover organization in Rome named Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC). Its location was frequently moved, its presidents rotated; its modus operandi altered. CMC included Italian fascists, elements of the European paramilitary right, the CIA, and the U.S. Defense Department. There were major shareholders with banks located in Switzerland, Miami, Basel and other major cities.

CMC had been formed in 1961, one year after Kennedy was elected. Its principals had worked with fascist networks established after World War II. The board of directors numbered Ferenc Nagy, a former Hungarian premier who led that country’s Anti-Communist Countrymen’s Party in exile. J. Edgar Hoover brought Nagy to the United States, where there were numerous Gehlen-supported emigre organizations. On August 18, 1951, the Saturday Evening Post pictured Nagy with Czech, Pole, Hungarian and Russian exiles under the heading: “They Want Us To Go to War Right Now.” On November 22, 1963 Nagy was living in Dallas.     CMC was actually a subsidiary of Swiss-based Permindex, whose president was Prince Gutierez de Spadafora, Italian industrialist and large landowner. Spadafora’s daughter-in-law was related to Hjalmar Schacht. Clay Shaw, who managed the New Orleans Intemational Trade Mart, was a director. Another was Giorgio Mantello, aka George Mandel, who would later move to New Orleans. Once convicted of “criminal activities” in Switzerland, Mantello worked closely with his fellow Hungarian Nagy. One of the goals of the CMC was that “Rome will recover once again her position as center of the civilized world.”     Major L. M. Bloomfield, a veteran of the OSS who resided in Montreal, was a suspect Garrison wanted to question. In Canada he reportedly controlled Credit Suisse, Heineken’s Breweries, Israel Continental Company, Grimaldo Siosa Lines and other international firms. Shaw’s name was found among eleven directors of a company in Montreal that actually was based in Rome. Who was giving the virtually unlimited money to CMC, and who was getting it? The answer might have been found in the huge amounts that flowed out of Evita Peron’s accounts.    Paesa Sera reported on March 4, 1967 that CMC was a creature of the CIA serving as a money conduit, and that Shaw and Bloomfield conducted illegal political espionage under its cover. In New Orleans, Shaw was the respected citizen who had helped restore the French Quarter. In Rome he was a vital member of the boards of twin companies dealing with fascists accused of European assassinations. Shaw’s address book contained the private number of Principessa Marcelle Borghese, now Duchessa de Bomartao, who is related to Prince Valerio Borghese. Called the “Black Prince” and “The New Duce,” Borghese was leader of the Movimento Sociale Italiano, a neo-fascist syndicate. The Black Prince, who was a decorated submarine captain in the First World War, was convicted of cooperating with the nazis in WW II and given 12 years in prison.

The Black Prince is the same Borghese rescued by the CIA’s James J. Angleton. No wonder Angleton was awarded the Sovereign Military Order of Malta by the Pope after the war. It might explain what Angleton was hinting at when questioned about the murder of JFK: “A mansion has many rooms; there were many things during the period; I’m not privy to who struck John.”     Clay Shaw’s affiliation with Permindex would plug in later to Argentina, Spain, Rome, New Orleans and Dallas. The international range of hit teams, using CIA money diverted overseas to cover companies set up by the Gehlen Organization, started coming together after Shaw’s arrest.     In November, 1960 it would be Nixon versus Kennedy. Frank Sinatra introduced Judith Exner to John Kennedy on the eve of the New Hampshire primary. A few weeks later Sinatra introduced Judith Exner to Chicago Mafia boss Sam Giancana. So Exner became involved, as William Safire put it, in a “dual affair with the nation’s most powerful mobster and the nation’s most powerful political leader.”     Giancana was busy with more than his love life; he was hired to form assassination teams to go after Fidel Castro. The man who retained him was Robert Maheu, a former FBI and CIA operative. It was a classic cutoff. Maheu never mentioned that the CIA was behind it. He intimated to Giancana that wealthy Cuban exiles were providing the funds. This sounded plausible, since Maheu was Howard Hughes’ right-hand man.     Giancana put his Los Angeles lieutenant, Johnny Roselli, in charge of the hit squads. In 1978 when the House Select Committee questioned him, Roselli hinted that his assignment was aimed at Kennedy as well as Castro. Shortly afterward, his body was found floating in an oil drum off the Florida coast. Giancana never got a chance to testify. He was shot to death in his Chicago home.     The Howard Hughes organization, used as a cover for the kill-Castro conspiracy, (Hughes thought it was a patriotic idea) has long retained Carl Byoir Associates as its public relations arm. Throughout the war Byoir represented nazi bankers and industrialists and the I.G. Farben interests. One of his clients was Ernest Schmitz, member of the I.G. Farben-Ilgner and the German American Board of Trade. His Information Services was subsidized by the nazi government. George Sylvester Viereck, editor of the German Library of Information, was also in business with Byoir. A lucrative Byoir client was the Frederick Flick Group. Flick, a Nuremberg defendant released by McCloy, was the single greatest power behind the nazi military muscle.     Frederick Flick’s son was close to the W.R. Grace Company, and invested over $400,000 in partnership with J. Peter Grace in the United States. During the war, WR. Grace was accused in a military report of protecting a certain nazi Colonel Brite in Bolivia. In 1951, when the CIA smuggled Barbie out of Germany, he was sent to join the same Colonel Brite. George de Mohrenschildt was a close associate of the company’s founder, William Grace.     De Mohrenschildt was a man of many faces. He befriended Lee and Marina Oswald, introducing them to the White Russian community. He made phone calls to obtain Lee jobs and housing. As he told it to the Warren Commission, he was fascinated with this strange couple just out of Russia. But at the Petroleum Club in Dallas, De Mohrenschildt sang the praises of Heinrich Himmler. His travels took him all over the world on missions identified with intelligence. In 1956 he was employed by Pantepec Oil Company owned by the family of William Buckley.    De Mohrenschildt often discussed Oswald with J. Walton Moore, the CIA’s Domestic Contacts Division resident in Dallas. In the spring of 1963, just after visiting the Oswalds, he went to Washington. There is a record of a phone call de Mohrenschildt made on May 7, 1963, to the Army Chief of Staff for intelligence. The same month he had a meeting in person with a member of that staff. His military connections seem to have been wide. One of the first persons de Mohrenschildt took the Oswalds to see in Dallas was retired Admiral Chester Burton.

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Lee Harvey Oswald’s benefactor was Texas oil millionaire George de Mohrenschildt

Although De Mohrenschildt and his wife Jeanne testified at length before the Warren Commission, only attorney Albert Jenner and Pentagon historian Alfred Goldberg attended. One of Jenner’s clients was General Dynamics, maker of the F-lll fighter that would achieve fame in Vietnam. The chief of security for General Dynamics in Dallas, Max Clark, was another De Mohrenschildt associate donating money to help Marina while George got Lee his next job in Dallas. He found one at the graphics house of Jagger-Chiles-Stovall, which held classified military contracts.     Jeanne de Mohrenschildt was originally brought to the U.S. by a family member employed by the Howard Hughes organization. In 1977 George was found fatally shot, allegedly a suicide, on the day a House Select Committee investigator came by looking for him. Jeanne consented to a press interview. She said George had been a nazi spy.     The placement de Mohrenschildt got for Oswald allowed him to visit the Sol Bloom agency at least 40 times. It was this agency that later decided the motorcade route for Kennedy’s fatal visit.

Ruth Paine, whom Oswald met via George, had called Roy Truly and procured work for Oswald at the Texas School Book Depository.
If Maydell and the Gehlen agents were active in the U.S. they knew all the right moves to secure their patsy.

1960: Young Americans for Freedom    President Harry Truman warned about the CIA “Gestapo” he had created.     President Eisenhower left the White House fearing the new “military-industrial complex” he handed to us.     In 1960 candidate Richard Nixon was qualified for the job of President. A lot of influential people were sure he was the only choice.     Nixon was familiar with every red scare tactic. From his first campaign against Jerry Voorhis in 1946 for the House seat, or vs. Helen Douglas in the Senate, and working with Sen. Joe McCarthy, he knew it well. The prosecution of Alger Hiss, with such flimsy evidence, proved his value alone.     But Nixon had also accumulated strong connections with members of the crime syndicate, the Vatican hierarchy, defense industries and known nazis. He knew them all.     What if he lost after those seventeen years of preparation? Would there be a back-up team for the future? Could the Pentagon or Reinhard Gehlen visualize leaving the entire United States presidency to chance elections?         Remember what happened to Senator Robert Kennedy on the eve of his primary election in June, 1968? They can’t get that close to losing it again, you know. With both Kennedy’s gone, Nixon finally made it.     September, 1960, two months before the elections, William F. Buckley Jr. launched his YAF, Young Americans for Freedom, from the grounds on his Connecticut estate.     Prior to that date, Buckley’s career was one of the most conservative in the U.S. Following his graduation at Yale, mentor Frank Chodorov grabbed him for purposes related to his job with McCormick’s Chicago Tribune.     Buckley served the CIA in Japan from 1950 to 1954.     He also did a stint with CIA in Mexico with E. Howard Hunt.     Co-founder of YAF was Douglas Caddy, whose offices were used by the CIA and Howard Hughes organization, at the time of Watergate illegal entries and other dirty tricks.

After the CIA in Japan, Buckley was ready to publish his own magazine, The National Review. This was an unusual opportunity to bring together the world’s most conservative writers for publication and much propaganda accompanied by Buckley’s glib innuendos.

Once the publication was going, Buckley decided to bring Young Americans for Freedom to the campus; old ideas, old money, and young minds to mold. Behind the project were always the well-funded military masters, such as the YAF’s Tom Charles Huston and the Cointel-Program Nixon cooked up.     The selected advisory board for YAF was a Who’s Who of oldies even then: Senator Strom Thurmond, Senator John Tower, Mr. Ronald Reagan, Professor Lev Dobriansky, General Charles Willoughby, and Mr. Robert Morris are a sample.     Robert Morris may not be a household name. But William Buckley knew him well, and Morris, Nixon, and Senator Joe McCarthy were team players. Senator Joe McCarthy’s two strongest supporters for him to represent Wisconsin were Frank Seusenbrenner and Walter Harnisfeger. Both admired Adolf Hitler and made continuous trips to Germany.     Senator McCarthy obliged fast enough. Before he went after the Commies in the State Department, he had to release a few of Hitler’s elite nazis lingering in the Dachau prison camp. McCarthy beat John McCloy by about three years.     In 1949, during congressional hearings on the Malmedy Massacre, the bloody Battle of the Bulge, McCarthy invited himself to take over the entire testimony. He wasn’t satisfied until the prison doors flew open. The most detestable and ugly battle of World War II, an assault upon Americans and civilians in Belgium, was ignored. Hitler’s precious Generals Fritz Kraemer and Sepp Dietrick, along with Hermann Priess and many others, were free.     With that business finished, McCarthy took on Robert Morris as Chief Counsel for the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Morris’ earlier training in Navy Intelligence in charge of USSR counter-intelligence and psychological warfare could be utilized well by Senator Joe. Particularly the psychological warfare part.     After McCarthy died, Morris moved to Dallas, Texas. He was a judge, and became president of Dallas University.     In 1961, a year after Buckley founded YAF, another conservative organization was formed in Munich, Germany, calling itself CUSA, Conservatism USA. These were not students, but members of the U.S. army, soon to be mustered out, then to appear in Dallas, Texas, by November 1963. The host would be Robert Morris.    A correspondence between Larry Schmidt in Dallas, to Bernie Weissman in Munich, Germany, in preparation for their arrival, was published in the Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. XVIII.

Segments of the letters are as follows:November 2, 1962: Dallas to Munich, Larry Schmidt:

“Gentlemen we got everything we wanted.”

“It saved the trouble of infiltration.”

“Met with Frank McGee … (president of the Dallas Council of World Affairs.)”

“Suggest Bernie convert to Christianity and I mean it.”

(Bernard Weissman, the only Jew, was brought all the way to Dallas on November 22, 1963, to lend his name to the “Wanted for Treason” fliers handed out to welcome JFK. He testified that the John Birch Society paid for the ads and “wanted a Jewish name at the bottom.”)

“We must all return to the church.”

“These people are religious bugs.”

“I think in terms of 300,000 members, $3,000,000.”

“The John Birch Society has a million members. Look for us to merge with them in 1964.”

“Arrangements are being made for me to meet the heads of the Dallas John Birch, General Walker, and H.L. Hunt, Texas oil millionaire.”

(General Walker had been retired from the military by John Kennedy for his compulsory Pro-Blud indoctrination.)

“I have already met the top editors of the Dallas Morning News, the country’s most conservative newspaper.”

“These people are radicals but there is a method in their madness. You see, they’re all after exactly what we’re after.”

“No liberal talk whatsoever, none.”

“Down here a Negro is a nigger.”

“I mean, no one is ever to say one kind word about niggers.”

“Liberals are our enemies.”

“The conservative isn’t against the Niggers, he just wants to keep him in his place for his own good.”

(Pres. John Kennedy and Atty. Gen. Robert Kennedy had waged a bitter battle from Sept. 30 to Oct. 3, 1962, at the University of Mississippi. The integration of one black student brought in the U.S. Army and caused Gen. Edwin Walker to be confined.)

January 4, 1963, Larry Schmidt to B. Weissman, Munich:

“I want big men … believe me if I had a dozen such men I can conquer the world.”

“I will go down in the history books as a great and noble man, or a tyrant.”

“I expect to see you here in Dallas, especially Norman and Larry.”

“If Jim Mosely is not here by Feb. 15, he is finished.”

“One thing had best be understood, I am not playing games here in Dallas and expect you not to play games in Munich.”

“I am not here in Dallas for my health or because I think Dallas is a wonderful place.”

“Continue to have regular meetings and try to get things back in order in preparation for the big meetings.”

February 2, 1963, Larry Schmidt:

“We have succeeded, the mission with which I was charged in Dallas has been achieved.”

“Friday night I attended a gathering of the top conservatives in Dallas.”

“The meeting was at the home of Dr. Robert Morris, President of the Defenders of American Liberty.”

“Present were Mr. George Ward, Detective for Dallas City Police, Mr. Ken Thompson, editorial writer for the Dallas Morning News, Mr. Clyde Moore, former PR man for H.L. Hunt, former UPI writer. (Eight others).”

“I told them exactly what I wanted.”

“Others suggested using an already existing movement, named the Young Americans for Freedom, with already 50,000 members.”

“CUSA, as set up in Munich, is now an established fact in Dallas, only we are calling it YAF. I think you catch on.”

“We are starting Munich chapters of YAF. To spread to Stuttgart, Frankfurt, Heidelberg, Berlin, Kaiserslautern.”

“We are getting every top name in business, education, politics, and religion to endorse YAF.”

“The advisory board includes 37 congressmen . . . including Sen. Strom Thurmond, Sen. John Tower, and Sen. Barry Goldwater. There is Ronald Reagan, Gen. Mark Clark, Gen. Charles Willoughby, John Wayne, etc.”

“Change all your records to read YAF.”

“All those months in Munich were not wasted. I accomplished my task in Dallas. I need you here soon. I sold these people on each of you and they are expecting you to come to Dallas and play an important role.”

“The days of leisure are over.”

“We want to see you, Norman, Jim and Bill Burley back here in Dallas.”

“Sheila and my brother will be here in August; Ken Glazebrook in Sept.”

June 13, 1963, Larry Schmidt to B. Weissman in Munich, Germany:

“Warren Carroll, our only other recruit to CUSA, is already a PhD and two MS’s. Warren is a scriptwriter for Lifeline, the H.L. Hunt television and radio series. Hunt is the millionaire oilman.”

“Warren is 32, former CIA man. Don’t worry, he has been checked out.”

“Hunt checked him out.”

(This appears to be a military action, DIA. They have to check out the CIA man, using Hunt’s security).

After Jack Ruby was arrested for killing Oswald inside the Dallas jail, there were copies of Warren Carroll’s Lifeline on the seat of his car. The section was on “Heroism,” on how to become a “hero.” This is interesting because one of the first reasons Ruby gave for killing Oswald was, “I wanted to show them a Jew had guts.”

“We want to get Norman into the Republic National Bank … where we are building our credit like crazy for the day we need ready cash.”

(The Dallas Republic National Bank was identified by the Washington Post, February 26, 1967, as a conduit of CIA funds since 1958.)

(Connie Trammel, who worked at the Republic National Bank, accompanied Jack Ruby to the office of Lamar Hunt, Wednesday, Nov. 20, 1963, two days before Kennedy was assassinated.)

October 1, 1963, Larry Schmidt to Munich, Germany:

“I have a lot of contacts, bankers, insurance men, realtors.”

“My brother began working as an aide to General Walker. Paid full time.”

“National Indignation Committee will merge in the Fall of 1963, as soon as Bernie and Norman are in Dallas.”

“This is a top secret merger and is not to be discussed outside the movement.”

October 29, 1963, Larry Schmidt to Munich Germany:

“This town is a battleground and that is no joke. I am a hero to the right, a stormtrooper to the left.”

“I have worked out a deal with the chairman of YAF. The arrangements are always delicate, very delicate. If I don’t produce the bodies it is likely Dale (Davenport) will think me a phoney.”

“He needs our help now. Adlai Stevenson is scheduled here on the 24th.”

“Kennedy is scheduled in Dallas on November 24.”

“All big things are happening now.”

1963: A few connections in Dallas — Gen. Walter Dorberger, Michael and Ruth Paine

When George de Mohrenschildt was busy introducing Lee and Marina to the Dallas-Ft. Worth White Russian displaced Czarists, he managed to keep the social level equal with his American contacts.     One casual dinner in the company of Michael and Ruth Paine, and that was enough meeting to set the Oswalds’ course. George and Jeane didn’t have to meet with them again.     Ruth Paine would provide housing for Marina while Lee went to New Orleans. A few weeks later, she drove Marina to join Lee. After summer vacation at Wood’s Hole, Mass., Ruth returned and brought Marina to her home in Irving, Texas, while Lee was on the bus to Mexico with Albert Osborne/John Bowen, and four other Solidarists from the Russian network.     After Kennedy was murdered, the Dallas police rushed to the Paine’s home. From that garage and elsewhere, via the Paines, came most of the incriminating evidence against Oswald.     The alleged murder weapon never could be proven by the Warren Commission as ever having come from their garage.

The cropped photo that Life printed with Oswald holding a rifle came from a box removed from the garage, taken to the police department, then returned the next day, with nobody present to indicate where it came from.

Accessory after the fact, the letter was delivered to Marina in December undated and unsigned, to cover up General Walker’s anxiety to blame a “Communist,” Lee, for shooting at him in April and came from Ruth to Marina. It wasn’t in the home before then. The Warren Commission required planted evidence sometimes in order to divert from Lee Oswald’s links to the Defense Department, assisted by Ruth and Michael Paine.     Michael Paine’s occupation at Bell Aircraft is the Defense Department. This job requires security clearances, so what would the unlikely Oswalds be doing in his home? Oswald, the “defector?”     Paine’s boss at Bell Aircraft as Director of Research and Development, was none other than the noterious war criminal General Walter Dornberger.     Dornberger was supposed to be hanged at Nuremburg for his war crimes, slave labor and mass murders.    The British warned the U.S. not to let him live because even after the war he was conniving for another one. As stated, “Dornberger is a menace of the first order who is untrustworthy. His attitude will turn ally against ally and he would become a source of irritation and future unrest.” (Project Paperclip. Clarence Lasby.)

The very first call to authorities after the gun went off on November 22, 1963, was from an employee at Bell Helicopter who suggested “Oswald did it.” Police never located the source of both Oswald addresses that day.     Michael Paine took Lee to a meeting with General Edwin Walker shortly before the assassination. Soon Oswald would be charged with having shot Walker in April, and Walker would be calling his nazi cronies in Germany 24 hours after JFK was killed telling them he finally solved “who shot through his window” seven months earlier: the same Oswald.     Who were the Paines? To believe the Warren Commission and the CIA staff of lawyers, they were Mr. and Mrs. Good Neighbor, all heart, altruistic. Ruth simply wanted to learn more Russian from a native. For that price, she housed Marina, a two-year-old daughter, a new infant, with all the fuss and mess of three extras in a tiny house.     Michael Paine was a descendant of the Cabots on both sides. His cousin Thomas Dudley Cabot, former president of United Fruit, had offered their Gibraltar Steamship as a cover for the CIA during the Bay of Pigs. Another cousin was Alexander Cochrane Forbes, a director of United Fruit and trustee of Cabot, Cabot, and Forbes.     Both Allen Dulles and John J. McCloy were part of the United Fruit team. The Paine family had links with circles of the OSS and the CIA.     Ruth Hyde Paine maintained close ties with the Forbes families. Peter Dale Scott investigated the Paines, “the patrician Paine and Forbes families.” A far cry from anybody’s neighbor.     Michael’s education came as a tradition, third generation physicist at Harvard before working for Bell Helicopter.     The British were correct on the Dornberger evaluation.     Another clue to Albert Speer, the Reichmaster for Munitions and War Production, and General Dornberger, is their meeting as early as April, 1943.     When it was obvious to Hitler they would be losing the war against the USSR, all top Nazis made detailed plans for two years on how to proceed next.     Speer met with Dornberger, at Peenemunde, the missile and rocket factory run with Werner Von Braun, and instructed him in “the dispersion of functions throughout the Reich.”    Translated, that meant get ready to come to the U.S.

Lee Harvey Oswald, Albert Osborne    When Lee Harvey Oswald entered Mexico at Laredo, Texas, on Sept. 26, 1963, his companion on the Red Arrow bus was Albert Osborne, alias John Howard Bowen.     Bowen-Osborne had been running a school for highly professional marksmen in Oaxaca, Mexico, since 1934. The cover for the place was his particular mission, and he was the missionary.     The FBI records on Bowen go back to June 4, 1942, in Henderson Springs, Tennessee. He operated a camp for boys known as “Campfire Council.” Neighbors complained it was for pro-nazi activities with young fascists. Bowen vehemently opposed the U.S. going to war with nazi Germany. They stomped on the American flag.     Before that, Bowen worked for the Tennessee Valley Authority since 1933.     His dual citizenship between Great Britain and the U.S. took him over the entire globe. So did his use of multiple aliases.     After the Warren Commission published their report in September 1964, several attorneys in the Southwest recognized the name of Osborne.     September 8, 1952, Jake Floyd was murdered. The target was meant to be his father, District Judge Floyd. Two suspects were caught, one got away. Their testimony was about being hired by Osborne and how he ran the school for assassins.     Later investigation revealed Osborne’s connections to Division V of the FBI, and to Clay Shaw’s Centro Mondiale Commerciale, with funding coming from New Orleans for the CIA, Anti-Castro Cubans, and others.     Lee Harvey Oswald applied for a tourist card to enter Mexico while still in New Orleans on September 17, 1963.     Four other persons, having consecutive tourist numbers, departed nine days later, like Oswald, all to arrive at the same time, entering from several different cities. They were part of the White Russian Solidarists, the Gehlen emigre community that Lee and Marina mingled with.     This assassination team funded Maurice Brooks Gatlin, Guy Bannister, and the Miami office of Double Check Corporation.     J. Edgar Hoover’s Division V, Domestic Intelligence, working with the American Council of Christian Churches, had used this group from the Bowen-Osborne academy of assassins.     Volume XXV of the Hearings has many pages of interviews with people who had sent money to Jack Bowen. They never met him, and some like Mrs. Bessie White, Pikesville, Tenn., mailed “$35 a month to John Howard Bowen who she believed had been doing missionary work for 18 years in Mexico.” Osborne-Bowen had a mission.     Lee Harvey Oswald, agent from U.S. Defense Dept., had a team of doubles impersonating his behavior, leaving trails of anti-American frustration and meetings with various people.     While Oswald was in Mexico just prior to Kennedy’s murder, the purposes were concealed. Meanwhile, the CIA and various authorities led Oswald to the Cuban Embassy, the Soviet Embassy. When the face or voices didn’t match the authentic Oswald, it didn’t matter, given a difference of 40 to 50 pounds and shape. What came from all this was the conclusion that Oswald had really wanted to go to Cuba next. Which Oswald, and why?

This was to finalize with the illusion of an Oswald-Castro admiration just days before Kennedy would be killed.

Senator John Tower and Marina Oswald    One of the most consistent conservatives among Buckley’s YAF Advisory Board was Senator John Tower, Texas.     If there is anything he wouldn’t want in his back yard it was a defector and his allegedly Communist wife from Minsk.     Yet, two years after joining the YAF team in 1960, Tower was passing all waivers in order for Marina Oswald to get to the United States as soon as possible. Without his permission, this trip might never have taken place. Many wives from the USSR are not that lucky.     March 22, 1962, Senator Tower cooperated. “The sanctions imposed on immigration and nationality are hereby waived in behalf of Mrs. Oswald. The file check on Marina by the FBI, CIA, Dept. of Security Office, Division of biographical intelligence and passport office,” (Volume XXIV, 298).     George de Mohrenschildt testified in Volume IX, pages 228-229, “Marina Oswald’s father had been a Czarist officer of some kind. I don’t remember whether it was army or navy.”     Her real father was never identified by name in all of the testimony.     Between 1948 and 1950 over 200 Byelorussian nazis and their families were brought to New Jersey. Both George de Mohrenschildt and Marina had come from Minsk, part of the Byelorussian area.     The Gehlen nazi emigres were useful to every part of the Kennedy assassination cover-up.

John Tower knew Marina was a safe bet. Otherwise, why the hurry? Our CIA and the Defense Department knew all there was to know about both Oswalds. Therefore, Tower signed the immigration papers fast.

The Argentine Connections: Isaac Dan Levine and the Ziger Family

The Warren Report wasn’t published until September, 1964. Testimony of witnesses and exhibits were being collected up to the day of printing.     Yet as early as June 2, 1964, Isaac Don Levine, another arch-enemy of Communists and a so-called expert on the Soviet mind, was arranging with the Warren Commission staff to bring the daughters of Oswald’s boss, Alexander Ziger, from the Minsk Radio factory to Argentina. He suggested using CIA assistance.     What was that about?     “When the Oswalds left Russia they smuggled out a message to one of the relatives of the Zigers living in the U.S. They wanted help to get the Zigers’ daughters out of Russia. The daughters, having been born in Argentina, could claim Argentine citizenship. Levine suggested some confidential source in the American Government such as the CIA should contact the Argentine Government to set machinery in motion. (Memorandum from W. David Slauson: Conference with Mr. Isaac Don Levine, May 23, 1964).     January 21, 1964, John J. McCloy told Commission members, before any witness was yet called, “this fellow Levine is a contact with Marina to break the story up in a little more graphic manner and tie it into a Russian business, and it is with the thought and background of Russian connections, conspiracy concept.”     If there was a Russian conspiracy to kill President John Kennedy, John McCloy, Isaac Don Levine, Allen Dulles, and J. Edgar Hoover, not to speak of Nixon and others, would squeeze that out.     Remember Gary Powers strongly hinted at Oswald’s role in downing the U-2, breaking up the Eisenhower-Khrushchev meeting while Lee was employed at the Minsk Radio factory?     Nicolae Malaxa, Otto Skorzeny, and international CIA-DIA agents were thick in both Minsk and Argentina. It was Alexander Ziger and his family who introduced Lee to Marina Oswald. That same evening they were at the home of an unidentified woman just returned from the U.S.     The President of the U.S. had been murdered in 1963.     Six months later the CIA is supposed to assist the Ziger daughters?     One more connection to Richard Nixon.

When poor Whittaker Chambers almost collapsed from the strain of having to testify against Alger Hiss, it was Isaac Don Levine who took “Chambers by the arm, a reluctant Chambers, and arranged the meetings where he would begin to smear Hiss.” (Friendship and Fratricide, Meyer Zelig).

When Levine was searching for a Soviet connection to Kennedy’s death, he was also doing business with Marina’s new manager, James Martin. It was Martin who was selling the photo of Oswald posing with Communist literature and a rifle, the same evidence pulled from the Paine’s garage. Notice the similarity to the Whittaker Chambers pumpkin papers years earlier that launched Nixon’s political career and convicted Alger Hiss.    If the evidence didn’t fit the conclusions of the investigators, the one picture would sell the Oswald assassin story.

“Treason for My Daily Bread” — Argentina and Martin Bormann    In August 1971, a French paper headlined a news story, “Martin Bormann behind the Kennedy murders.” It listed an international band of killers that was located in Texas. They carried out the two assassinations at the German command.
Six years later, June 8, 1977, the London Guardian reported, “Bormann Linked with Kennedy Murder.” This story was based on a new book titled, Treason for My Daily Bread by Mikhail Lebedev.     Lebedev detailed how Martin Bonnann left Europe, established his current life in Paraguay, and how the fatal head shot to Kennedy was delivered by an agent paid by Bormann, alias of Zed.     Is any of this true?

Many of these allegations and names come together with both Paris Flammonde’s The Kennedy Conspiracy and the Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal, known as the Torbitt Document.

“Zed” allegedly used a .45 for the final shot.     Buddy Walters, murdered January 10, 1969, picked up a .45 slug in Dealey Plaza and gave it to the Dallas Police.     There were two possible assassination teams in Dallas.     The military from Munich, Germany, that was to take over the YAF, with Robert Morris’ help, have yet to be identified or interviewed (Morris from U.S. intelligence, having to do with USSR covert work.) Gen. Edwin Walker’s arrangement with U.S. Military in Germany or, the arrival of such people for Nov. 22, 1963, is open to question.     Albert Osborne’s “mission” in Mexico, with direct links to Clay Shaw’s Centro Mondiale Commerciale, has never been touched. This was the international band of killers with the Borghese-James Angleton operations working throughout the world.     Otto Skorzeny’s CIA and Reinhard Gehlen death squads, with headquarters in Madrid, were funded by Martin Bormann when the Evita Peron funds were shared after 1952.     Lebedev mentions “Ruth,” David Ferrie, Clay Shaw, Guy Bannister, and Colonel Orlov.     The very first day George de Mohrenschildt visited Marina Oswald she was alone and Lee was working. He brought with him a “Colonel Orlov.”    The House Select Committee on Assassinations “investigated” the murder of President John F. Kennedy from 1976-1978. The information about Bormann was available from 1971. Treason for My Daily Bread was published while they were supposed to be finding the smoking gun.

G. Robert Blakey, Chief Consul for the Committee, refused to admit any research or documents on these subjects. He would hang up the telephone and even refused to say if he had ever seen the Torbitt Document.     Six million dollars was allotted by Congress to investigate the assassination of President Kennedy. Martin Bormann may have had his motives for his actions through the years. What were G. Robert Blakey’s? What form of prosecution should be suggested for committees paid to uncover the truth who continuously sweep under the rug?    In A Study of a Master Spy, published in London in 1961, Bob Edwards, a member of Parliament and Kenneth Dunne, presented documentary evidence that Allen Dulles of the CIA carried on secret conferences with representatives of Hitler’s SS Security Office in February and March 1943. They learned that “Official Washington knew Martin Bormann, Deputy Fuhrer of Hitler’s Germany, master-minded the international ‘Die Spinne’ (Spider) underground organization which is planning to revive nazism as soon as West Germany is adequately rearmed by the United States. Official Washington seems disinterested.”

With John J. McCloy, Allen Dulles and J. Edgar Hoover in control of the Kennedy assassination investigation, these nazi connections were buried.

The CIA’s Man: The Chronology of Helmet Streikher 1937: Trained for the Gustapo’s S.S Officers. A graduate of The University of Bonn Germany. Went to Military School at Blutordensberg, located at Vogelsang Castle. 1938: Assigned to Spain to join General Francisco Franco. 1939-1940: In the U.S. he learned English and American customs. His cover was as a German journalist working for Adolph Hitler. 1940-1941: Was with Reinhard Gehlen in Eastern Europe. He will join Gehlen when they are both working for Army intelligence. 1943-1945: Streikher worked with Skorzeny. 1945: May 7, 1945, Streikher surrenders to Allies and is cleared for intelligence, accepted for U.S. Army by October 1945. 1946-1947: He works for the OSS (Officers of Strategic Services) in Europe, Central Intelligence Group. CIG. 1948-1950: Streikher was stationed in Israel, Greece, Europe, Africa and Middle East. OSS becomes CIA. 1951-1957: CIA assigned back to General Gehlen, now in his German offices of the BND. 1958: In the U.S. Training Army Intelligence offices and CIA. 1958-1961: Helps plan Cuban Invasion. Active in the Bay of Pigs. 1961-1965: He was in Africa, Middle East, and United States on CIA assignment. On November 22, 1963, he said, “One of the worst kept secrets in the C, is the truth about the President’s murder. It wasn’t Castro or the Russians. The men who killed Mr. Kennedy were CIA contract agents.”    “John Kennedy’s murder was a two-part conspiracy murder. One was the action end with the killers; the other was the deeper part, the acceptance and protection of that murder by the Intelligence aparatus that controls the way the world operates.” “It had to happen. The man was too independent for his own good.” 1968-1970: Senior Field Agent for CIA. Disguised as a writer. 1971-1973: Back in the United States. Langley, Virginia, training and making plans under assignment. 1974-1977: Under George Bush, director of CIA, Streikher sent to Africa and Middle East. 1978-1980: Contract agent on special assignment for CIA. June 15, 1980 he retired. Other Known Aliases: U.S. Army officer Captain William Raine, also known as Ross Meyers, Hans Mollof, Karl Rolff, and Mark Schmidt. He had nine (9) other pieces of identification in other names and nationalities, some in the form of passports.

The Bunge Corporation, Argentina & Germany    The stock market dropped 24 points in 27 minutes when news of President Kennedy’s assassination was announced. 2.6 million shares were sold off. It was the greatest panic since 1929.     Somebody made a huge profit selling short in many markets.     Somebody made half a billion dollars in one day. Coincidentally, the Allied Crude Vegetable Oil Refining Corporation, headed by New Jersey commodities dealer Anthony De Angeles, crashed the same day, driving the market down.     Allied Crude was controlled by U.S. American Bunge Corporation and financially controlled by a group of share-holders headquartered in Argentina, known as “Bunge and Born, LDA.”     Business Week of October 19, 1963, one month before the Kennedy assassination, described the Born family in Argentina, the biggest shareholders for Bunge, as being from Europe, specifically Germany.     Everything about Bunge has German influence. They have a $2 billion annual business in 80 countries. There are over 110 offices, all linked by Telex and under-the-ocean telegraph channels. The Bunge Corporation is referred to as “the Octopus.”

The book Were We Controlled? detailed the relationship of the Bunge Corporation, the foreknowledge of Kennedy’s murder, and the Argentine-German connections.

General Edwin Walker and the Hitler Nazis    The Eagle’s Nest, now a mountain restaurant, was given to Adolf Hitler by nazi aide Martin Bormann for the fuhrer’s 50th birthday. It is not far from Hitler’s former summer home in Berchtesgaden.     Nearby is the Platterhof Hotel, built for guests when they came to pay their respects. The Platterhof has changed its name to the General Walker Hotel.     November 23, 1963, one day after Kennedy’s death, Gen. Edwin Walker called Munich, Germany, from Shreveport, La.     Walker’s important story, via transatlantic telephone, was to the nazi newspaper Deutsche National Zeitung un Soldaten-Zeitung. Walker couldn’t wait to tell them in Munich that Lee Harvey Oswald, the lone suspect in the Dallas murders, was the same person who shot through his window in April, 1963.     There was never one shred of evidence, or a reliable witness, that could make this connection Dallas police and FBI were taken by surprise.     In order to cover this over-exuberance of trying to link a Marxist assassin to this altercation, it became necessary to have Ruth Paine deliver that ridiculous letter to Marina Oswald on December 3, 1964. The delayed letter was to have been written the night Lee was out shooting in Walker’s home.     The only piece of bullet that remained in custody was never positively identified as coming from the 6.5 Mannlicher Carcano, and there is no proof Oswald even handled this rifle.     Why was General Walker in such a hurry to get his information printed in Germany before anybody in Dallas ever heard about it?     Kurt-George Kiesinger had just been installed as Chancellor of West Germany and Franz-Josef Straus as finance minister.     Kissinger entered the radio propaganda division of nazi Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop at age 36. He was then directing a world-wide radio propaganda apparatus with 195 specialists under his supervision during the war. He was the liaison officer, coordinating his department’s work with that of Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels.     Richard Nixon and Kurt-George Kiesinger were soon, or maybe before, to become pals. Nixon tried to hide his nazi past.     But General Walker, now home from military service in Munich, knew the importance of such propaganda. He was calling the same people who, under Hitler, published and controlled the newspapers.     There were two motives for this call.     First, it gave international attention to the fact that Oswald, the Marxist gunman, was shooting at Walker as well as the President.     General Walker knew too many people in the Defense Department and in the Dallas-Fort Worth area that could be part of this assassination. He made himself appear as a victim instead of a suspect.     The other reason, along with the expertise of Robert Morris’s counter-intelligence and psychological warfare training, was to create a profile for Lee Harvey Oswald.     No possible motive could explain why Oswald would really want to kill President Kennedy. By having Oswald appear to shoot the right-wing General Walker with his John Birch connections, his militant anti-communist stance, then shoot John Kennedy, the same Commie-symp Walker was accusing of treason, it would appear that Oswald was just nuts. He didn’t know right from left.     The Munich newspaper Walker called was linked to the World Movement for a Second Anti-Komintern, part of the Gehlen and U.S. right.     Some of Hitler’s ex-nazis and SS-men were on the Staff.     The editor, Gerhard Frey, was a close friend with various nazi members of the Witiko League. The Witiko League and the Sudetendeutch Landsmannscraft were organizations for displaced refugees. By the summer of 1948 they formed large organizations and by 1955 Dr. Walter Becher was elected to the executive board of the Witiko League. Becher was one of the kingpins of nazi front organizations.     Sen. Joe McCarthy, Charles Willoughby, Gen. Edwin Walker, and Robert Morris’ links to the German nazis converged when Dr. Walter Becher set up offices in Washington, D.C. in 1950.     By July 16, 1957, Becher, praised by American Opinion and other extreme right publications, started his policy of liberation. General Douglas MacArthur, Senator Joe McCarthy, General Willoughby, members of the U.S. Congress or public officials then started openly to meet with and cooperate with the nazi resurgence.     Dan Smooth, former Dallas FBI agent is the type of person who kept strong nazi ties with Dr. Becher in Munich, to Western Goals today. His printed sheets were identical to the Goebbels propaganda years ago, or to Walker’s disinformation one day after Kennedy was killed.     Volkmar Schmidt came from Munich, Germany, to work full time for General Walker. How long did he work, and where was he on November 23, 1963, when Walker made the call to the same city the CUSA imports came from?

The YAF crowd in Dallas was an interesting gang: Col. Charles Willoughby, intelligence Chief for S. Pacific, Robert Morris, U.S. counter-intelligence and psychological warfare, Gen Edwin Walker, brought home from Munich by JFK, William Buckley, CIA in Japan, Mexico, and elsewhere, Sen. John Tower, who gave the okay for Marina Oswald.

1964: The Warren Commission    President Lyndon Johnson was forced to select a commission to investigate the assassination of President Kennedy and the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald by Jack Ruby.     Texas authorities were supposed to do the original investigation.     There were too many suspicious people around the world who believed a conspiracy existed. Those rumors had to be squelched.     J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI never budged from its conclusion that Lee Harvey acted alone. Whatever evidence didn’t fit this decision was ignored.

Twenty-six volumes of witness testimony and exhibits were published. 8000 copies were sold. No more reprints. The contradiction between the conclusions of the Warren Report, and the abundance of discrepancies in the other volumes, makes fascinating reading.

Chief Justice Earl Warren, John J. McCloy, and Allen Dulles were the logical choices for LBJ.     President Kennedy didn’t trust Allen Dulles as CIA Director. Now JFK was dead and Dulles would be in charge of all possible “conspiracy” segments.     Richard Nixon, temporarily retired from politics for the first time since 1946, selected Rep. Gerald Ford to be on this Commission. Nixon selected Ford a second time when he ran home to escape impeachment during Watergate.     One of the first subjects for commission members to share in January, one month before witnesses were selected, was the matter of Lee Harvey Oswald being a government agent.     Gerald Ford was the only member of the group to write a book on the assassination. His book opened with the hushed and secret meeting where allegations had been received that Oswald worked for the FBI.     What Ford left out of his book, and the commissioners ignored in their Report, was that Oswald was also identified as working for the CIA. Commission Chairman Earl Warren and Commission Attorney Leon Jaworski knew about this. They stated that “Mr. Belli, attorney for Jack L. Ruby, was familiar with these allegations.”     Oswald’s informant number was Number 110669.     How was that for a starter?     The next move was to start building the myth about the deceased and ignore fact one, stated above. This grand commission would call in a doctor who never met Lee Oswald or Jack Ruby to assist them with their project, covering up.     Justice Warren suggested bringing in Dr. Overholser, who “of course is not a lawyer. He is a doctor from St. Elizabeth’s Hospital.” As the Chairman went on to explain, “we felt we ought to have someone who, in that field, could advise us on matters concerning the life of Oswald and possibly the life of Ruby also.”     The next order of business was who should write the Report for them? By January 21, 1964, that had to be decided.     Chairman Earl Warren said, “we consulted with the Defense Department, and they have offered to lend us one of their historians to do this job, and we think that it is quite essential to the work of the Commission.” Mr. Goldberg would assist from the Air Force. Mr. Cokery was from the Army.     “Mr. Winnaker recommended them,” Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin offered. “We would work with them to try to anticipate all of the various historical aspects.”    “Who’s Who in the CIA” described “Mr. Winnaker” as having been born in Germany in 1904. His full name is Dr. Rudolph August Winnacker. He was an analyst for the OSS, historian in the War Department from 1945-1949, and then Chief of Historical Division of the Pentagon.”

Was Winnaker the ilk of Willoughby? Or Reinhard Gehlen? When did he come here from Germany? Where is he now?

Photo by Manuel Gonzales Bustos

Gehlen after the 1972 funeral of Wehrmacht Col. Gen. Franz Halder

Marina Oswald was the first witness to testify on February 3, 1964.     Warren wanted nothing more than to make her comfortable.     The first question dealt with the General Walker story because Walker had blown it by calling Munich so soon. That scandal had to be put to rest right away.     Warren asked Marina “if Exhibit 2 was familiar to her because it was a picture of General Walker’s house?”     Marina said, “no,” but that wasn’t good enough.     She was asked again, and once more said, “I didn’t see it, at least, taken from this view I can’t recognize it. I never saw the house itself at any time in my life.”     That wasn’t sufficient. She just couldn’t remember “this particular one.”     Chairman Warren was ready to go “off the record.” They had only just begun.     Chief Counsel Rankin suggested he show her “more pictures,” then maybe she would recognize the Walker home.     This time she was given a selection of a location in New Orleans, two snapshots from Leningrad, and the same shot of the Walker home. Because Walker wasn’t living in a castle in Leningrad, Marina assumed that house in Dallas must belong to “General Walker.”     Therefore this was admitted for identification. The Defense Department history could then proceed. “Marina Oswald positively identified the photograph of General Walker’s home among Lee’s possessions.”     There are a lot of things that remain to be said about this commission and their phoney report.     Admission of an old card trick at the beginning set the tone for what was to follow. What was never supposed to come out was the use of Reinhard Gehlen agents surrounding Lee and Marina Oswald for the purposes of covering up the assassination conspiracy.     Two Lee Harvey Oswalds existed.     One memorized the Marine manual by age 17, went directly into radar and electronic work. He trained at U-2 bases, learned the Russian language, got himself into and out of the Soviet Union, wrote clear and literate letters. He was met, upon arriving home, by Government agents, provided with occupations, fathered two children, owed no debts, traveled around a great deal, met with interesting oil geologists, defense department and intelligence agents. Their social circle included the “Cabots and Lodges” from Czarist Russia, Admirals and some fancy folks.     The other Oswald was one developed by the Warren Commission to divert attention from the facts. Nobody ever saw the original “diary” that he couldn’t have possibly written.

Every Gehlen witness and emigre associated with the CIA, Tolstoy Foundation, or Greek Orthodox Church was directed towards the most ridiculous questions. From all that garbage the Defense Department wrote the history.

The last thing that should happen is for the warriors to interpret and define for us. The facts speak for themselves. Mae Brussell is a researcher based in Carmel, California. Her weekly radio program, World Watchers, has been broadcast for the last thirteen years

ESSAY

@mikenov

Michael Novakhov: The Signs (Diagnostic Triad) of the New Abwehr Operations:

1. Judeophobia with the psychologically complex (e.g. self-hatred), mixed German-Jewish identity and background, as in upper echelons of Abwehr.

 

The Abwehr officers of mixed background felt the heightened sense of German patriotism and considered themselves “Super Germans”.

This is a illustration of the overcompensation as the defense mechanism in Psychoanalysis.

 

The top Abwehr officers and Canaris himself were Jews, half-Jews, or part-Jews – GS, but the “Super Germans”.

 

Warfare History Network – Hitler’s Jewish Soldiers: “While millions of German Jews were being persecuted by the Nazis, many of their relatives, willingly or not, were fighting for the Third Reich.”

 

Goering famously said: I decide who is a Jew and who is not – GS.

 

The Jews that they robbed and sent to the camps were “the BAD (anti-German or not German enough) Jews, but they themselves and the Jews whom they sent abroad en masse as their agents, to spy for Germany, were “the GOOD Jews”.

 

This is an example of another psychoanalytic defense mechanism: splitting.

 

Quotes:

 

Adolf Hitler’s top intelligence officials worked with U.S. intelligence…

“Asked whether it was not true that Canaris was in fact his agent, Dulles replied: ‘That is going a little far.’

 

But Dulles said, ‘I had working with me several of the men in Canaris’ organization and I was in direct touch with Canaris, especially with General Oster, who was chief of staff and in charge of his intelligence.’

 

‘About 10 percent of the Abwehr became anti-Nazi,’ Dulles said. ‘They became disgusted with Hitler’s tactics and they opposed Hitler’s activities against the Russians and his treatment of the Russians and, as a result, it was possible to penetrate the Abwehr.’

 

Dulles told the committee the top five officials of the German intelligence agency, including Canaris and Oster, ‘were all executed as traitors.’

 

‘There was a good reason for that?’ a congressman asked.

 

‘Yes, they were traitors in the German sense. There is no doubt. Two of the men worked with me,’ Dulles replied.”

Asked if that judgment was reasonable, Mr. Dulles replied: ”They were traitors in the German sense …” Ten percent of the Abwehr were anti-Nazi because ”they became disgusted with Hitler’s tactics.”

 

M.N.: I think, in fact, they were each other’s double agents.

 

2. Homophobia, often with the latent or overt Homosexuality, as present, presumed or perceived in many high German military officers after WWI.

 

According to the tale, Canaris was led to his execution naked, as the demonstration and the “definitive proof” that he was circumcised, and therefore a Jew, which was presented as the root of his treachery.

 

“Canaris was led to the gallows naked and executed on 9 April …”

 

In fact, it is much more likely, that being the master escape artist that he was, he staged his own execution and happily escaped, especially considering a little help from his friend Allan Dulles (“dull est”). This is a separate story which became a source of artistic imagination.

Reinhard Heydrich and Wilhelm Canaris (presumed long time lovers) walk their dog in New York.

Wilhelm Canaris and Reinhard Heydrich june 21, 1941

This photo, aiming to present Canaris and Heidrich as just “close military comrades”, to counteract the rumors about their love relationship, does just the opposite: it confirms these rumors, in the historical perspectives. Both of them likely were Jews and Gays, something to deal with in their positions in the Nazi Germany.

 

 

3. The key, “pathognomonic” sign of Austria Phobia, the cognitive bias prevalent in Abwehr officers, the historical legacy of the German – Austrian wars and rivalry of XIX century, e.g. the derision and hatred of Hitler after the WWII.

 

See more:

 

Anti-Austrian sentiment in German military and intelligence – GS

 

Austria Phobia (austrophobia) – GS

 

Anti-Austrian sentiment – W: “Anti-Austrian sentiment (also known as Austrophobia) refers to hostile sentiment toward the nation of Austria and/or its people.”

 

See also:

 

Hapsburg Group section of Mueller Report – GS

 

Anti-Austrian sentiment and the Hapsburg Group section of Mueller Report

 

Hapsburg Group section of Mueller Report reflects the Anti-Austrian sentiment of the German Intelligence and military circles – GS

 

 

The “bad Jew Weiner” in the New Abwehr’s crosshairs

The presence of all these signs, in various degrees is hypothesized to be present in the case of Anthony Weiner, which led to the October Surprise 2019.

 

How to recognize the political intelligence operation in the “Operation Trump”? By the “smell test” and the careful historical – psychological analysis of its stylistic features and the specific content concepts which reflect the memories, obsessions, recriminations, repetition compulsion, undoing, etc., etc. of the Intelligence officers who plan, design, and execute them.

 

Planning and creating an intelligence operation is highly intellectual and emotionally charged, intuitive, artistic, and creative process which reflects the situation, the tasks, and the personalities of its creators, and thus opens the windows into their souls and into meanings and impacts of their creations. Both of these aspects: the creator and the creation, can and should be analyzed to achieve the most likely understanding and to generate the working hypotheses.

 

How to recognize the Intelligence Operation in progress in general? Tough question and the main preoccupation of the Counterintelligence Services. My answer (like a note to myself) is: You know it when you smell it, and see it you cannot, yet. In other words, it is mostly intuitive and avoids detection with reason and senses. In fact, the Intelligence Operations are designed to deceive the reason, logic, and senses; they call it a “cover“.

 

However the operations emanating from the same source share the same stylistic and the content related features, and sometimes the deliberate “criminal signatures”, e.g. the “telling names”.

 

 

In the symbolic conceptual thinking of the “Operation Trump” planners, Anthony Weiner is a “bad Jew”.

 

As his last name suggests, he possibly comes from Vienna – Wien, just like Hitler, and is more of a whiner than he is a winner, also like Hitler. He is in the habit of showing off his long wiener to the innocent little girls (definitely a “pervert”; bad, bad, bad Jewish boy!), and he has to be punished for his immodesty!

 

Pop goes the weiner – GS

 

German antisemitism portrayed Jews as the oversexed creatures with large penises, preoccupied with sexually attacking the “clean” German women, which can lead to the dangerous blood mixing, miscegenation, and to the eventual degeneration and the disappearance of the Great German Nation.

 

 

This is in contrast with the Russian antisemitism, which presents the Jews as the powerless (“reaction formation“) disgusting creatures with small penises, emphasizing the social dangers of the Jews, rather than the sexual – genetic ones.

 

See also: Group of Twenty-One Anti-Semitic/Soviet Caricatures [Russian Propaganda] 

Doctors Plot

In contrast, the trumpist Erik Prince is presented as the “clean”, attractive, successful ethnic German, among the many others; and the Trump’s son in law Jared Kushner is presented as a “Good Jew” and a “good Jewish son”, whatever it means; although he comes from the family which robbed blind both the Jews and Poles alike during the WWII and transferred the trainloads of goodies to America. That’s how they made their “seed fortune” and were appointed the New Abwehr money managers. And this is at the roots of their merger with the Trump family, the real estate managers for the Abwehr and the New Abwehr and the hereditary fascists.

 

Donald Trump is the American fascist, and so was his father Fred.

 

Donald Trump’s grandfather Fred managed the whore house for German Military Intelligence, apparently these services were considered of strategic importance at that time, in terms of military battlefield success.

The Anthony Weiner affair reflects the German rather than Russian antisemitism, thus pointing to the involvement of the predominantly German rather than Russian intelligence services.

 

The concept of the New Abwehr, after the WWII, includes the three main components, as I see it now. This still remains the open question but most likely it includes:

 

• the remnants of the old, original Abwehr of Canaris, including the Gehlen organization, and later the BND and other related services,
• the KGB and all its past and future reincarnations,
• and the East German STASI, which joined them later but probably made the very significant contributions.

Vladimir Putin, KGB, STASI, New Abwehr – GS

 

 

In my opinion, the circumstances of the Anthony Weiner affair and the Election 2019 point to the quite possible involvement of the New Abwehr (established after WWII) in it as their staged political-intelligence operation, as many others in the post WWII History.

 

See, for example: “The Nazi Connection to the John F. Kennedy Assassination”.

See also the New Abwehr Hypothesis.

Google Search https://shar.es/af9MEe

11:36 AM · May 5, 2023

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intelligence operations – Google Searchintelligence operations – Google SearchPsychoanalysis of intelligence operations – Google SearchPsychoanalysis of intelligence operations – Google SearchApplication of Psychoanalysis to Intelligence Studies – Google SearchIntelligence (espionage) Studies and Psychoanalysis – Google Searchpsychology of intelligence operations – Google Searchspecial intelligence operations – Google Searchpsychoanalysis – Google Searchpsychology of military intelligence – Google SearchPutin and anti-Western intelligence operations – Google SearchPsychoanalysis of intelligence operations and psychohistory of abwehr – Google SearchPutin and anti-Western intelligence operations – SearchRecognition of the signs of intelligence operations in political events – Google SearchPolitics and intelligence operations – Google Searchpolitical espionage – Google SearchMichael Novakhov: The Signs (diagnostic triad) of the New Abwehr Operations – Google SearchMichael Novakhov on Twitter: “#FBI Objective measurements (metrics) of FBI work and assessments of security situations – Google Search https://t.co/7tyrsJPshp https://t.co/QbWDw1uTXm” / Twitter 

Psychohistory of Abwehr

 

Critical Analysis of German Operational Intelligence Part II – critica_analysis_ii.pdfpsychohistory – Google Searchabwehr – Google SearchMichael Novakhov on the new abwehr hypothesis – Google SearchMichael Novakhov on Twitter: “The New Abwehr Hypothesis of the Modern History – Google Search https://t.co/924wKiIOke https://t.co/ViG7ibNLVT” / TwitterThe New Abwehr Hypothesis of the Modern History – Google Searchadmiral canaris – Google Searchpsychohistory of abwehr – Google Searchadmiral canaris – Google Search(8) The German Spy Who Sabotaged Hitler | Secrets Of War | War Stories – YouTubeAbwehr and political intelligence operations – Google SearchAbwehr and Reichstag fire – Google SearchAbwehr and political trials – Google SearchAbwehr and political intelligence operations – Google SearchMichael Novakhov on Twitter: “TNT #TNT FBI #FBI Intel #Intel #NewAbwehr The #News And #Times https://t.co/S3jIuii881 The FBI News #Review https://t.co/duKpLrkCSW The “Diagnostic Triad” of the New Abwehr Operations: JUDEOPHOBIA, HOMOPHOBIA, AUSTRIA-PHOBIA. REINVESTIGATE THE 9/11! https://t.co/o81zYmPUQ9 https://t.co/wXcLnp8uDP” / Twitterdiagnostic triad of new abwehr operations: judeophobia, homophobia, austria-phobia – Google SearchMueller Report: Hapsburg Group – Google SearchHapsburg Group and Austria-phobia as the diagnostic sign of the New Abwehr’s operation – Google SearchElection 2019 and Anthony Weiner case as the Illustration of the hypothetical New Abwehr diagnostic triad: Specific and typical GERMAN antisemitism, fear of racial miscegenation, austria-phobia – Google SearchElection 2019 and Anthony Weiner case as the Illustration of the hypothetical New Abwehr diagnostic triad: Specific and typical GERMAN antisemitism, homophobically tinged fear of racial miscegenation, austria-phobia – Google SearchHitler, Abwehr, and Canaris – Google SearchHitler, Abwehr, and Canaris – Google SearchOperations 9/11 to Trump: New Abwehr, Stasi, KGB – Google SearchUS Election 2019 as the New Abwehr operation – Google SearchPutin and anti-Western intelligence operations – Google SearchPsychoanalysis of intelligence operations and psychohistory of abwehr – Google SearchMichael Novakhov: The Signs (diagnostic triad) of the New Abwehr Operations – Google Search 

 

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New Abwehr Hypothesis – Google Search https://t.co/VJQIIiSkFq pic.twitter.com/9OPFllEl6A

— Michael Novakhov (@mikenov) May 5, 2023

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